An English translation of ‘Historia delle cose occorse nel regno d’Inghilterra …’ by Giulio Raviglio Rosso (1560)

 

HISTORY OF THE EVENTS
[that] OCCURRED IN THE REALM
OF ENGLAND

in relation to the Duke of Northumberland
after the death of Edward VI.

FROM THE VENETIAN ACADEMY
1558.

Translator’s Note:

This translation of the sixteenth-century Italian text of Giulio Raviglio Rosso’s Historia aims to preserve much of the sixteenth-century character of the original. Readers will no doubt note, therefore, the non-standard syntactical forms, the abundance of lengthy, compound, and complex sentences, the idiosyncratic punctuation, the generalized absence of paragraph structure, and the frequent use of such pre-modern rhetorical forms as ‘the which’ rather than ‘who’ or ‘whom.’ Though perhaps difficult for the modern reader to comprehend easily, the result is actually quite similar to what one finds in any sixteenth-century English document of a similar nature.

Where absolutely necessary for sake of clarity, words omitted from but implied by the original text are inserted within square brackets, [ ], or explained in a footnote immediately beneath the relevant page. Archaic or ambiguous usages are likewise clarified using square brackets to enclose the clarification ([i.e., …])
Words that I have been unable to accurately translate appear in bold-faced block letters.

The translation is paginated exactly as the original, with each ‘page’ or leaf of the original having a numbered obverse and an un-numbered reverse or ‘b’ side.
Any errors in translation are my own and result from being recently self-taught in Italian. Feedback and corrections from those fluent in Italian will be much appreciated and fully credited in a footnote.

TO THE MOST NOBLE AND MOST EXCELLENT
LADY MARGARET
OF AUSTRIA.[1]

THE MOST RENOWNED Sir Federico Badoaro, in every sort of virtue, Most Noble Lady, truly inferior to no other, with marvelous judgment, and with most prudent consideration, indeed inspired by God, has founded the noble and excellent Venetian Academy, full of men of high wisdom in all the sciences and arts, who with incomparable ardor for your own virtue have begun to spread some brightness, like that of Aurora, that they go onward extending the path toward the grandeur of the Sun: and it may happen that weeds appear, nonetheless, clearing great shadows from the minds of many, they provide for them to see that greater light, which prepares itself to spring forth. In order that everyone will reasonably be able to say, and to affirm, [that] neither before, nor since has another assembly ever continued to be more

1. The dedicatee is Margaret (1522–1586), illegitimate daughter of Charles V, King of Spain and Holy Roman Emperor, by his mistress Johanna Maria van der Ghenyst. Charles V allowed Margaret to assume the imperial name ‘Margaret of Austria’, though the name carried no royal or noble title. Margaret wed Alessandro de’ Medici in 1536, becoming Duchess of Florence, but was widowed in the following year. She married Ottavio Farnese in 1538, thereby becoming Duchess of Parma. Though multilingual, as an Italian duchess-consort her preferred language became Italian. She was appointed Governor of the Spanish Netherlands in 1559 by her half-brother King Phillip II of Spain, himself the surviving husband of Queen Mary Tudor of England. Margaret served as Governor of the Spanish Netherlands until 1567, when she retired to Italy. She died in Italy in 1586 and was survived by one son, Alessandro Farnese, Duke of Parma and Piacenza. This book was dedicated to Margaret in both her capacity as Governor of the Spanish Netherlands and as half-brother of the King of Spain, the latter also holding the Italian titles of King of Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia, Duke of Milan, plus the Netherlandish titles of Duke of Brabant, Marquis of Namur, and Count of Artois, Flanders, and Hainaut. The object of the dedication was the attainment of financial support for the Venetian Academy from Margaret and/or her half-brother King Philip.

[folio 8]

communally beneficial. It is therefore carefully considered, that those first works not be large, but full of deep and very useful purpose, [such that] they might be dedicated to diverse Princes and Lords, it being still with diligence anticipated that however much it gives [it] may be adequate in every way to whom it is given. I declare that while the distribution of each of the same works was itself done, it was by the the Most Renowned Sir Federico’s recollection; the which he keeps always kindled of the royal virtues of your Highness, known by him at the Court of the Majesty of the Catholic King your brother, and in every place honored and revered; that among the other works brought to light the history of the events in England involving King Edward, son of Henry, happening until this time, might be worthwhile to you. In which [history] your Highness will see the abundance of the marvelous workings, by God, and by His proportionate means done in manifest example of the human misfortune. Therefore (I believe) it would be pleasing and delightful to you, as remembrance since your Highness is already aware of these dreadful events from the Most

[f. 8b]

Serene Queen, she seeing herself equally to be similar to your Serene Highness in the variety of fortune, in the observance of the Christian faith, in the exemplarity of living, in the prudence of your Royal governance, and justice toward everyone. May it please your Highness to graciously receive this small gift from the most virtuous Academy, [which] conceded to me that I might present it to you. From which [Academy] is left to me the task that I might offer to you other works that will come to light not by greatest satisfaction with this [History], but by greatest effort: desiring it finally that to Your Highness might come more happiness and every degree of fortune, as much for your singular goodness and virtue, as for the majesty of your blood, with the many merits of the Most Noble and Most Excellent Duke, your husband[1], and with the marvelous expectation of the Most Noble Prince your son.[2]

Of the Most Noble and Most Excellent Lady your
ancient and true servant,
Luca Contile, member of the Venetian Academy.

1. Ottavio Farnese (1524–1586), Duke of Parma, Piacenza, and Castro, second husband after 1538 of Margaret of Austria.
2. Alessandro Farnese, who was three years old at the time of Contile’s dedication of the Historia. Young Alessandro eventually succeeded his mother as Governor of the Netherlands, serving there himself from 1578 until his death in 1592, though he succeeded his father as Duke of Parma and Piacenza quite late in life, in 1586. ‘The expectation’ refers to the young Alessandro’s anticipated bright future.

[f. 9]

HISTORY
OF THE MISHAPS
[that] OCCURRED IN THE REALM
OF ENGLAND,

AFTER THE DEATH OF
KING EDWARD VI.

HENRY [the] eighth, King of England, famous for the excellence of his governance, and called ‘The Great’ for his distinguished deeds, yet who in his last years showed great mercilessness through profane acts, and [who] disdained religion, had during his life six wives. The one was Catherine of Castile, daughter of King Ferdinand of Aragon, the other Anne Boleyn, the third Jane Seymour, the fourth Anne of Cleves, the fifth Catherine Howard, and the last Catherine Parr. By the first he had Mary, now most fair Queen; and that one [Catherine] he renounced, by which course arose the beginnings of his disobedience

[f. 9b]

to the Apostolic see.[1] By the second he had Elizabeth, whose [Anne’s] head he caused to be struck off: by the third Edward, the sixth of that name, in the birth of whom she [Jane Seymour] died; by the manner that was required to open her in order to remove him from her belly: the fourth yet lives, and was renounced. The fifth was decapitated: and the sixth outlived the said Henry. And he not having left at his death other male issue, than Edward, to him came the realm, who was by then seven years old.[2] Edward was of high intelligence, [was] capable of business, and [was] very accustomed, except he had been instructed in false doctrine: and great hopes were placed in him on account of the diverse interests he had in all the liberal arts [3], but particularly in the exercise of letters; to which he attended with much diligence. He was however of a very weak constitution, so that in a short time a catarrh[4] generated itself in him with a small, but continued [i.e., continuous] cough, the which catarrh according to the times, troubling him first more then less, so that by many it was judged, that he might himself be developing consumption: and in such way he might be going to die young. The Duke of Northumberland was after

1. The bishop of Rome, or the Papacy.
2. Edward VI was born 12 October 1537 and became King of England on 28/9 January 1547. He was thus actually 9 years, 3 months, and 16/17 days old when he became king.
3. The original word is ‘professioni’, or professions, which in the sixteenth century referred to the traditional seven liberal arts: grammar, logic, rhetoric, arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy.
4. A catarrh is a type of upper respiratory infection akin to the modern ‘common cold’.

[f. 10]

Edward first in authority, who, by wisdom, and by merit, was in those times held as the greatest in that realm, and therefore after the person of the King he was respected principally by all, by some for fear, by some for obligation: as president of the council he used to manage every sort of business, used to command everyone, and finally was obeyed and revered like the King. And because on the first of February [in] the year 1553 the catarrh increased in Edward, and the misery began to harm him further, the visiting Duke (his own ailment getting better by the hour)[1] wished to comprehend the true opinion, that the physicians had regarding his life: and therefore he called two, who had attended continuously upon the person of his Majesty, and to those he added four other of the greatest experts in the realm, and he made them swear an oath of loyalty, as is itself the custom for he who is of the [royal] household, he wished to understand from all if the illness was consumption, if [it was] mortal, and how much time they judged that he might be able to survive; the which consulting together themselves concluded, that the King was consumptive, the infirmity mortal,

1. Dudley wrote several letters to William Cecil and others during this period in which he complained of a severe illness that kept him away from meetings of the Privy Council.

[f. 10b]

but that nevertheless they were sure he would live until the next September. The Duke having understood the judgment of the physicians, and finding himself with that great authority which he had in the city, immediately designed, any time that it might please God to call Edward to Himself, to seek to raise himself to be master in that realm, as the evidence itself showed clearly thereafter, focusing more sharply on that objective, where his own unjust desire lay, than on any part of his duty, which was very great. And with this intention he determined to give his third son to the first born of the Duke of Suffolk, named Jane. The which [was] that she might even much refuse this marriage, nonetheless, and urged by the mother, and beat by the father, she was required to content herself, and so it was concluded, holding in the same year, on the Feast of the Holy Spirit [1] the very splendid, and royal, wedding, with a large gathering of people, and of the principal [persons] of the realm. This marriage ceremony was concluded for the opportunity of the Duke, but with this design, that Jane descending from the royal house in the female line, in this way, which by a sister

1. Also called Whit Sunday or Pentecost, a moveable feast that in 1553 fell on Sunday the 21st of May.

[f. 11]

of Henry [the] eighth, married first to Louis XII, King of France, and afterward to the Duke of Suffolk [1], of her thereafter was born Frances, that was mother of the said Jane, he [Northumberland] thought, that this occasion might be a good device for conducting at last his scheme by those means, and ways, that he carried out thereafter: of which the first, that he used, was, that the infirmity continuing in the King, and the illness worsening more every hour, the Duke persuaded him to make a will, putting it to him as a matter conscience before the eyes, that, when it might please God to call him to Himself, it was an honest thing, and very proper, that he might leave some order to that realm, so that in the future quiet could continue to exist, as it had done in the years passed, and pointing out to him the damage, that the said realm would suffer, whatever time he might leave of it to those heirs either Mary or Elizabeth, his sisters; because the one herself, and the other were declared bastards by state Parliament; and for the relatives of them, which they would possibly have to make with foreigners, as well as on account of religion; exhorting him, that he [Edward] not having kinsmen more close, than to Jane

1. Jane’s maternal grandmother was Mary Tudor (1496–1533), younger sister of Henry VIII. She had wed Louis XII in 1514, when she was aged 18 years and he 52 years. Louis died less than three months later, and Mary subsequently wed 31-year-old Charles Brandon in 1515.

[f. 11b]

his [Northumberland’s] daughter-in-law, he [Edward] should desire to leave the kingdom to that one. The which words of the Duke had much strength, and they were accompanied by many reasons, that convinced the King to make a will on the 21st of June, in the which testament [he] disinherited the two sisters under the pretext, that they would not have to bring strangers into that island, from which might be given new laws, and new orders of living, adding, that they were bastards, assessing more particularly Mary as Catholic, and disinheriting similarly every other, that could pretend to that Crown, leaving [as] heir Jane daughter-in-law of the Duke, and first born of Suffolk,,[sic] and after her the sister married to the son of the Earl of Pembroke.[1] The which testament was afterwards approved by all the principal [men] of the realm, who were 34 lords, and many other personages; of that [testament] not one thing about it was ever known by the people, but that about the schemes, that they had themselves created, it was rumoured, and some strange succession to that Crown was suspected. Once the said testament was signed, a fierce storm was seen at that same time with thunder, and lightning, things rarely seen in

1. William Herbert (1501–1570), whose son and heir Henry Herbert (1534–1601) had been wed to Jane Grey’s younger sister Katherine in the multiple marriages of 21 May 1553. That marriage was dissolved in 1554, following Mary’s accession and Jane’s death.

[f. 12]

that realm, and of the bolts of lightning, which fell, one struck that church, which had been first to distance itself from the [Roman Catholic] religion, and to disobey the Apostolic see: things were noted by many [people], and held afterward as a great sign, and not without the will of God. The worsening of the King then ever-continuing day by day, and it being understood throughout London that he was not able to live much longer, a gentlewoman offered herself to him desiring to healing him, any time that her cure might be used. About which the Council understood it, that even from the physicians: it was not ever agreed, she not wishing to reveal the method, with which she desired to treat him, it was decided, that the said lady could undertake the cure of the King, as she herself did, the physicians removed themselves.[1] The which was demonstrated in a little time, that her treatment was without merit, pushing him to the extreme of life, caused by restrictions, that she used in this, the which in a little while swelled up the legs, and they burdened his body much more by the use. So that the inconveniences themselves known, he was dismissed from that treatment, and the physicians returned. But nonetheless they did not benefit him much, being already reduced to near-death,

1. The original Italian text is itself very confusing here, but the underlying meaning indicates that the the Council was aware that even the trained physicians were undecided on a course of treatment, so that the Council allowed the anonymous woman to treat the king, even though she refused to say in advance how she would go about that treatment. And as she began, the physicians left the room, no doubt wishing to avoid any blame for a negative outcome.

[f. 12b]

that because of the severeness that the remedies were, he finally died, and it was the 6th of July the year 1553, and the 7th of his reign, and his age 16.[1] The which opened, and embalmed he was placed in the church of Saint Peter at Westminster[2] upon a catafalque without candles, and with a guard of twelve gentlemen, who until the final obsequies continually stood vigil day and night.
Mary often resided 23 leagues[3] away from London at a place called Hunsdon[4] in the county of Essex: the which was informed very secretly of the schemes of the Duke of Northumberland, by a few of the same council, and advised in detail of the King’s illness, and of every outcome, and in the end of the death of his Majesty, under pretext that one of her servants had died from plague in the house, she immediately removed herself from there with a small part of her household, and with much haste rode out, so that in one night she made 40 leagues toward the county of Norfolk[5], that county being close to the sea. And all this was done to escape the hands of the Duke, and to be

1. Edward was aged 15 years, 8 months, 24 days at his death.
2. The Collegiate Church of St. Peter, Westminster, more commonly known as ‘Westminster Abbey’.
3. Raviglio Rosso uses the Italian word ‘legghi’, or leagues, rather than ‘miglia’, or miles. One Italian-Spanish league equaled 2.6 English miles, yet the distance from central London to Hunsdon is in fact about 25 miles. ‘Legghi’ is therefore used here to mean miles, though elsewhere in the text (see n.18 below) he differentiates between leagues and miles.
4. The Tudor manor of Hunsdon is actually in Hertfordshire, though it is adjacent to the border with Essex in the east.
5. Mary’s destination in Norfolk was the manor of Kenninghall. The distance from Hunsdon to Kenninghall is approximately 80 miles, while 40 Italian leagues equals 104 miles.

f. [13]

in part, so that in any necessity she might be able to pass into France. She used nonetheles in this her flight the name, and title of Queen, by such making to proclaim herself in every place, since to herself in truth the Crown had rightly succeeded. She wrote still to the Lords of the council, and to the principal [men] of the realm, that she marveled much, that they had not come to pay their homage to her as their true, and legitimate Queen, and successor in that realm; and in this manner she began to gather certain few men, calling to her aid any Lords of those counties; and so as to defend herself from the power of the Duke; the which, in order to be able to have more time to arrange with good order the things concerning Jane in particular, he did not publish the death of the King until the eighth of the month, in the same way as, for the which color must be found, that her succession could be legitimate, for the people to be able to accept, and with lively reasons to show them, that it was deservedly owed to her. After the which publication it was already the 10th but not without a scheme to escort Jane to the Tower, she herself well refused to desire to accept such great weight, not meet

[f. 13b]

to her own weak wits; nonetheless with many tears she was in the end persuaded by the Council, by the Duke, and by the father (he was content to do their bidding), and so removed from Sion, palace of the Duke of Northumberland situated upon the River Thames seven miles removed from London, and accompanied by many lords and principal men of the realm, she was escorted to the Tower; herself arriving at the gate of which the Duke presented her with the keys of that [place]. During which act, all the people were well gathered there, nonetheless they did not themselves show a small sign of joy. This that they call the Tower, is a castle the which is at an end of London, and defends the city in large part, and all those, who succeed to the Crown of England, must, before they come to that, reside in the Tower for ten days. And therefore they say, because this Tower is very important, that they are for sure, that which should be the true successor in the realm when he has ownership of it; that otherwise he would not be allowed by the Council. This Council ordinarily is [comprised] of 25 heads of the principal men of the realm: the which is that one which has the supreme

[f. 14]

power in all the affairs, and without it the same King cannot legitimately dispose of important affair[s]. It is well true that then according to the affairs and the needs therein they accomplish some [things] at the pleasure of the King. Jane escorted into the Tower, on the same day, the letters from Mary appeared before the council, in which she wrote that they must undertake to recognize her, as they were obliged [to do], as their legitimate and true Queen, and successor to the Crown. It being therefore understood from the said letter how many Mary had written[1], and how the entire county of Norfolk not only rendered obedience to her, but had sent an army to defend her; they doubted not, that having had herself proclaimed Queen in all those counties[2], she might send equally to make to proclaim herself in London, mostly because it [the Council] knew many people favored her, and were discontented with the election of Jane; and therefore they resolved themselves immediately, which was at six hours after midday, to undertake that six heralds accompanied by thirty of the King’s halberdiers [soldiers] should proclaim Jane Queen in three, or four places of the land[3], there not being

1. I.e., how she had written a large number of letters seeking recognition and support.
2. I.e., every county in England
3. Contrary to the author’s claim here, the public pronouncement of the proclamation of Queen Jane by the royal heralds was conducted only within the City of London. Elsewhere it was made by local officials, such as mayors and magistrates, usually without royal heralds present.

[f. 14b]

sufficient time to do it in more; coming back themselves on the following day to resume, which they then did themselves: the which proclamation did not pass 10 leagues distant from London, the people not being able to hear it, how loathsome [it was] to everyone, and by manner that in the heralds’ own selves [the people] perceived the displeasure, and the evil desire, with which they read it. And the said proclamation was of this tone:
Jane by the grace of God Queen of England, of France, and of Ireland, defendetrix of the faith, and principal [1] head under Christ on earth of the Church of England, and of Ireland, to all our much beloved, faithful, and obedient subjects, and to every of them greeting. Know that our much beloved, and most dear cousin, Edward VI, lately King of England, of France, and of Ireland, defender of the faith, and principal head on earth under Christ of the Church of England, and of Ireland, by patents signed by his hand, and sealed of the great seal of England, and given on 21st of June, the seventh year of his reign, in presence of the most part of

1. The author conspicuously altered here the content of the original proclamation, choosing to designate the monarch ‘principal capo,’ rather than ‘supremo capo,’ of the Church of England.

[f. 15]

his nobles, councilors, judges, and diverse other grave, and wise personages, for the benefit, and security of all the realm, these men consented subscribing by their hand: and the same had by his letters patent recited, that, as far as the Royal Crown of this realm, by statute made in the 35th year of the reign of the former Henry VIII of happy memory, our ancestor, and great uncle, by failure of issue of the aforementioned our cousin King Edward VI was by the passing [of the said act], established, limited, and assigned to have to remain to Mary his eldest daughter, and to her legitimate heirs, and, in case of failure of such heirs, it must remain to Elizabeth, his second daughter, and to her legitimate heirs, with such conditions, which were limited by the deceased Henry VIII by his letters patent under his great seal, and by his testament in writing, signed by his hand. And know that the said alteration of the Crown of this realm, assigned, as above, and given to the aforesaid Mary and Elizabeth, they being illegitimate, and not

[f. 15b]

legitimately conceived. Because that the marriage, which was between the King Henry eighth, and Catherine, mother of the aforementioned Mary, and so the marriage, which was between the said King Henry, and the Lady Anne, mother of the aforesaid Elizabeth, were plainly and legitimately undone by verdicts, and the divorces conformed to the word of God, and to the ecclesiastical laws, the which divorces were themselves respectively ratified, and confirmed by authority of special Parliaments in the 28th year of the reign of the aforementioned King Henry, however, the said ratification remaining in force, virtue, and effect, since both Mary and Elizabeth in every eventuality, and in every instance are made totally incapable of claiming and pretending the royal crown of this realm, or any of the honors, castles, lordships, lands, tenements, or other heredities, as heirs of the aforesaid our legitimate Edward, or as heirs of another person, or persons, such for the cause above recited, as because the aforementioned Mary and Elizabeth were only of half blood to our aforementioned cousin, and by the

[f. 16]

ancient laws, and by the custom of this realm, cannot succeed our cousin, even if they had been born in legitimate matrimony[1], the which was not the case, since by the aforesaid verdicts and divorces, and by the said statute, made in the 28th year of the reign of Henry eighth, plainly shown; and know that, as he was given to think, or at least to doubt, that if the said Mary and Elizabeth might themselves have or enjoy this imperial Crown of this realm, and it might happen that they might wed themselves to any foreigner, born out of this realm, in such case being foreigners, having the Crown, and the governance in the hands, they might make use of [it], and they might scheme not only to reduce this noble and true realm into bondage of the Church of Rome, but even to desire that the laws, and customs of his native country might be exercised, and put in use in this realm, more immediately than the laws, customs, and statutes observed here [for a] long time, on which depends every title of inheritance, putting every subject in this realm in great peril of conscience, and total ruin of the commonwealth. On that the

1. This clause refers to a rather arcane point of ancient English customary law, not often actually enforced, under which half-siblings were barred from inheriting from each other, preference instead being given to collateral heirs such as uncles or cousins. If strictly enforced in 1553, Frances Brandon Grey would have been Edward VI’s first ‘heir of the whole blood,’ even if Mary and Elizabeth were both considered legitimately born. See William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol. 2 (Oxford, 1766), 227–228.

[f. 16b]

aforementioned our cousin, weighing, and considering within himself, what means, and what manners might have been convenient to find support to the succession of the aforementioned Royal Crown, if it should please God to call him from this life, he not having issue; and himself recalling to memory, that we, and the Lady Catherine, and Mary, our sisters, daughters of the Lady Francis, our natural mother, and wife of our most beloved father Henry, Duke of Suffolk, and the Lady Margaret, daughter of the Lady Eleanor, younger sister of the aforementioned Lady Frances, and former wife[1] of our cousin, the Earl of Cumberland, they were very near in blood to his Majesty, on the part of his said father, our ancestor, and great-uncle; and being natural, born here in this realm, and by the very good opinion, that he had of us, and of the good education of the aforementioned our cousin Margaret, having by the deliberation and advice of the aforesaid letters patent declared, ordained, assigned, limited, and determined, that it happening, that the aforementioned our cousin Edward sixth might die without

1. Eleanor Brandon Clifford had died in 1547. Henry Clifford, 2nd Earl of Cumberland, subsequently remarried to Lady Anne Dacre.

[f. 17]

legitimate issue, in such case the said royal Crown of England, and of Ireland, and the confines of them, and his title to the realm of France, and the honors, castles, prerogatives, pre-eminences, authority, jurisdictions, domains, possessions, and hereditaments to the aforementioned our cousin Edward VI or to the said royal Crown appertaining, or in any manner owing, must for lack of issue, and the older male issue of the aforementioned Lady Frances being legitimately conceived, and born during his [Edward’s] life, and to the heirs male, that might be legitimately born of the aforementioned older son, and such sons, to the son, that might come second, by succession of the aforementioned Lady Frances legitimately born, in the lifetime of the aforementioned our Cousin, and so to every heir male of the aforementioned legitimate sons, and in case of the failure of such son, that might have been born, during his life, and failing heirs to them, in that case the said royal Crown with all its appurtenances must remain to us named Lady Jane

[17b]

eldest daughter of the aforementioned Lady Frances, and to the heirs male, that of our person might legitimately be born, with diverse other conditions, as by the aforesaid letters patent are themselves extensively related. After the issuance of these, that is Thursday past, which was the 6th of this present month of July, it pleased God, to call to His infinite mercy the said our most beloved, and most loving cousin, Edward VI to whose soul may His Divine Majesty give pardon; and he being dead, without heirs, nor remaining some legitimately conceived issue of the body of the aforementioned our ancestor, and our great-uncle, Henry VIII, and the said our Lady mother not having male issue, born in the lifetime of the aforementioned our cousin Edward VI, therefore the said royal Crown, and its appurtenances, now is, and remains actual, and real possessor by virtue of the said letters, and patents; we to this signify by these presents to all our most loving faithful, and obedient subjects, that such as we for our part, through the grace of God,

[f. 18]

will show ourselves most gracious, benevolent, and liege Queen to all our good subjects, in all their just, and legitimate causes, and with all our ability, we will preserve, and we will maintain the most holy word of God, the Christian compassion, the good laws, and customs, and the liberty of this our realm, and domain, so we doubt not, that they, and everyone of them for their parts at every time, and in every case may show themselves to us, their true, natural, and loyal Queen, most faithful servants, loving, and obedient, conforming to their obligation, and fidelity; in the which they will satisfy God, and will do the thing, that tends to their preservation, and security: willing, and commanding to everyone of whatever degree, estate, and condition, to maintain our peace, and concord; and to obey our laws, for how much they value our favor, and their welfare. In witness of which, we have caused the present to be made, witness ourselves at our Tower in London, on 10th of July, the year 1553, our first year. God save the Queen.

[f. 18b]

The news then continuing, that every hour more men were raising themselves in support of Mary, and that many councilors were going to serve her, the Duke began likewise [to act], and with much diligence to send some Lords his confederates, and friends, to intervene, that Mary’s men should not increase in greater number: To the which, according to the ability of each, he gave a charge, sending them into diverse parts, in order to gather as many more men as they might be able, with commissions of array to march to his every order, among which he gave charge of four thousand infantry, to a brother of the Earl of Huntingdon[1], and he did that, he immediately passed them over among the men in support of Mary; by the which [Mary] it was very dearly received, and well regarded; and he wrote a letter to the Earl of Huntingdon his brother, the which was close to the Duke, saying to him that as a traitor he had hoped to take his life, if he did not leave the Duke, the which outside of every reason sought to seize the right of Mary, true successor of that realm, and to make himself a tyrant, putting it [the realm] in perpetual servitude; exhorting him to agree with him, and

1. Frances Hastings, 2nd Earl of Huntingdon, whose son and heir, Henry, after 1561 3rd Earl of Huntingdon, had been wed to John Dudley’s daughter Catherine during the multiple marriages of 12 May 1553.

[f. 19]

to throw himself at Mary’s feet. Many councilors did the same, going over to Mary, and supporting her; but many still took up arms, and they hired men against her, to support the Duke; the which, to speed the expedition, offered to every soldier eight scudi per month[1], plus expenses. And that Duke had even given orders to some armed ships, that they should be prepared for every eventuality, that could have been able to arise: with the which he designed to impede all those aiding her, who might have desired to bring his Majesty Charles[2] to Mary from the region of Flanders. The which ships, understanding the route, to what the Duke intended, they too passed at the same time into that county, where Mary was; to the which they made to understand that they were at her service, knowing her their true, and natural Queen, and that she might command, that they were to obey her; so that she thanked them much for their good will; and afterwards she took from the said ships, and cannons, and munitions, and men, in order to strengthen herself greatly against the violence of the Duke, [she] understanding the great power and the sudden haste, with which he designed to come to

1. The author is most probably referring to scudi d’argenti, or the silver scudo, which began to be minted in 1551 in Milan under orders of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V. One scudo contained approximately 31grams of pure silver. Since the so-called ‘third period’ silver pennies of Edward VI, or those minted after October 1551, contained approximately 0.475 grams of pure silver (plus another 0.1 gm of base metal, principally copper), eight Milanese scudi per month is the equivalent, at least in terms of precious metal content, of 17 English pence per day. Those few English sources that report on the pay offered by Dudley vary widely in their estimate, from 10 to 20 pence per day. Raviglio Rosso’s account therefore corresponds neatly with the English accounts.
2.  The elected Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, who was also hereditary King of Spain (as Charles I), first cousin and professed ally of Mary Tudor.

[f. 19b]

oppose her, and to undo all of her men. It remained [for] the Duke to provide a capitan-general for his army: and because [if] he himself left the men of the Council, in order to go with the said army, he worried, that outside of his presence, there might arise some movement, to which he might not be able thereafter to respond in time, neither with remedies, nor with his own authority, he had to designate as general the Duke of Suffolk, Jane’s father, now proclaimed Queen: but that one [Jane] knowing in her conscience that it was not the reasonable thing to send the army against her legitimate Queen, or even that by unworthiness she might not have enough courage, she did not wish to accept such a charge; thus the Duke of Northumberland was required to go himself in person, and he gave first those orders, and advised the Council, what he thought was necessary, leaving the said Council in the Tower, near to Jane, and in his place the aforesaid Duke of Suffolk, he departed at 24 [midnight] from London with four of his sons, having sent the Earl of Warwick, his eldest son, with 500 horse against Mary at Hunsdon. He had still with him one brother, the which he had named

[f. 20]

master of the field. There was likewise the Marquess of Northampton[1], the Earl of Huntingdon, with diverse other Knights, and Lords of the realm, the which, counting the soldiers, were in all two thousand horse, and eight thousand infantry, with vast provision of cannons, and field munitions, and other necessary things, and he led them to Cambridge, 20 leagues distant from London; in which place he halted two days, in order to refresh the army, which, as soon as they departed London, began to scatter in large numbers, since those men were going against Mary unwillingly. Upon realizing that he sent to seek relief from the men of the Council since of the first ones that were with him few remained. The Duke having left from London, and the Council remaining in the Tower, even though the Duke of Suffolk was in his [Dudley’s] place, he [Suffolk] not being one of much sense, nor having about his person very much authority, [there] were some Lords of the said Council, that talking freely among themselves about that, recognized, since it was a wicked thing, and beyond all their duty, to be involved, that they should have raised the realm to her, who was the legitimate

1. William Parr (1513–1571), brother of Katherine Parr, last wife of Henry VIII.

[f. 20b]

daughter of Henry their King, to the which it [was] by right reason, and according to God, and according to the world she ought to succeed; and to submit themselves to these things shamefully through fear of a public tyrant, failing in their duty, which the King himself gave to his, to the equal honor of themselves, and their country. For the which thing joined in desiring, they departed outside the Tower, under pretext, that the Duke having sent to request aid, and new men, they desired to consult, and to seek advice from the French Ambassador regarding certain infantry, that the aforesaid Duke was sending to fight in Picardy, and the said [Lords] taking themselves to Baynard Manor, castle of the Earl of Pembroke, in the which place, the principal men of the Council being themselves gathered, by their own authority, and merit, and, as by extension, [their] wealth, it was an easy thing to call the rest there, as they themselves did a little while afterward, except however the Duke of Suffolk, who remained in the Tower near his daughter: to the which reduced council that was together, the Earl of Arundel[1], one of the principal men of the realm, and [a member] of the said Council, spoke in the following manner.
If I might not have had sufficient reasons,

1. Henry Fitzalan (1512–1580), 19th Earl of Arundel. Fitzalan’s first wife had been Katherine Grey (d.1532), sister of Henry Grey and therefore Jane Grey’s aunt.

[f.21]

my Lords, and my brothers, to have been able to have taken part in the error, in which we have finally found ourselves to be, some by fear, others by desire, truly obliged to have been much too bold, and myself loving him little, I must speak against the person of the Duke of Northumberland, as a man and supreme authority, and who has all our power in [his] hand[s], and [who has] likewise vaguely the blood of the men, like that one, who is of little, or lacking conscience[1]: but because I have confidence in God, and in your minds, and that you are provided with judgment, and with prudence, as itself seen at other times, I do not doubt the point, that you do not have to share in opinion with me, and that I do not have to pretend to you, how little I ought to value the tyrant: in the which case he does not inspire in me any passion; neither the ambition, by which I might still desire to rule; nor the vengeance [that] I [might] seek, since after all he did so piteously have me held in prison for nearly a year and sought my death by such wicked offices, as you six [are] yourselves witnesses[2]: but only the welfare of the commonwealth, and the liberty of this realm; to which and by debt to the world, and

1. I.e., who has taken for himself the power that we should all be sharing, and who is likewise similar to that sort of man who has little or no conscience.
2. Fitzalan had sided with Edward Seymour in late 1551 during the latter’s power struggle with Dudley, for which Dudley had held Fitzalan in prison throughout 1552.

[f. 21b]

by nature we are obligated no less, than to ourselves: and likewise the pricking of my conscience, looking to dwell on the rights of Mary, successor to this Crown, and that here this frankness might be raised, by which we might ourselves have lived for a long time under our legitimate King. If the which things are considered in our breasts dispassionately, and disinterestedly, you will recognize them to be difficult to allow, and worthy to be condemned. I believe, that the manner, that the Duke uses in his desire to invest himself with this realm, cannot here be concealed; and that you may recognize it, as neither zeal for the commonwealth, nor [zeal] for the religion to which he may incline[1], but [as] only the ambition to rule. Just as it does not call itself commonwealth, to desire to place a free realm in servitude; neither can it be said to be religion that has itself profaned the faith against his King. And likewise I am certain, that you know, how Mary, legitimate and natural daughter of Henry our King, comes to this Crown rightfully by succession. Therefore why things should have to corrupt your souls, and to implicate [you], that that one [i.e., Dudley] might unjustly consume [you], I do not see

1. Arundel implies that Dudley may be less than sincere in his Protestant zeal, which proved to be true when Dudley professed the Roman Catholic religion immediately prior to his execution in August 1553.

[f. 22]

the cause. This will be truly a commonwealth if you will restore public liberty. By doing so you will gladden everyone, just as everyone was saddened by usurpation of the succession. And there will be true religion here: because you will use justice, yielding the right to [her] who succeeds by just title of inheritance. Be careful not to think, that it will go well for him, who so without shame dares to seek to place the hands in the blood of the King[1]. Because in the end you will see, having the realm in hand, he would obey his base desires, rejecting that one [i.e., Jane], and loving this one [himself][2]. So that more injustices are born, violence, pillage, sedition, cruelty, and every other sort of villainy: and they would be thrust upon you by means of force, because by then you will not have recourse. And if in contrast we will consider regarding Mary, we will see every good thing shining in her: from whom what else can we hope for, if not true justice, perpetual peace, pity, mercy, and good governance: the which things may even be [present] in others, [but it is] better to enjoy them in the King, and to admire them [there] with greater attention, than in the others. And

1. I.e., who so without shame seeks to lay claim (through Jane) to royal blood.
2. Arundel predicts that once Dudley has secured the crown for his family through Jane, he will depose Jane and make himself king.

[f. 22b]

nevertheless these, we must love, strive for, and seek as good things, the which should not have to seem difficult to do. So that, even if the Duke finds himself with an army in hand, it is nonetheless ours, and they will show themselves to our favor, if we may agree to be always united here in judgment, and especially now, that you will see, if that the greater part of his army is not fled: and all that for the unhappiness, that all of England feels to see raised to the throne a person, that has not any sort of reason, nor personal claim, by which true succession comes: and if perhaps it [England] appears now barely to have called for our Queen Mary, having a short time ago cheered for Jane, showing [itself] inconstant in this matter, I say, that for this reason you must not remain [on your current course]; because it is worthwhile after an error to amend it, especially now, the men obliging you to raise honor, welfare, and liberty, peace, and the satisfaction, where[as], not having corrected yourself, you appear to be not much loving of yourselves, making yourselves servants, and ingrates to the country, despising the laws, with the occasion, that all this realm may remain in continuous

[f. 23]

travail, with other infinite harms, that emerge from there: among which is to consider, that already the sides are divided, and that some are taking the side of Mary, and others that of the Duke: the which will be the ruin of this realm, because you will see brother against brother, uncle against nephew, father-in-law against son-in-law, cousin against cousin; and little by little you will begin seeing those [to be] enemies, who are of the same blood, and closely related, by which divisions the powers of this realm will begin to fail. The which in the end will be reason to bring into the said realm a foreign army: in that way we will shortly have to expect our privileges, [our] sons, and [our] wives to become prey to soldiers, with the ultimate destruction of our nobility. And having ourselves raised one of the two sides, think, I pray you, which [side] is more honorable, which might support itself, and [which] must be judged more your fault: I am certain that, if the vileness of your spirit does not hinder you, or the hope of your interests does not blind you, that you will consider that [side] of the Duke, as that, which is beyond reason, unjust, and that

[f. 23b]

act would be to generate more evil, and inconvenience. That which if it is considered by you, is still a worthy thing, which I provide here as itself convenient. I know [you will] see from there, which provision can be considered more correct, or more reasonable than this, that all together with one like mind we might render homage to our Queen, peace to the people, and liberty to ourselves, and remove the authority of the tyrant, depriving him of power, rendering the just title of this Crown to whom it belongs. In which case you will give place to justice, and you will be called merciful toward men, and toward God, the which will not ever abandon you in such a glorious enterprise. Here the Earl of Arundel fell silent. The which no sooner had reached the end of his speech, than the Earl of Pembroke rose to his feet, [and] spoke these words. It does not occur to me to take the exertion of repeating all that, which the Earl of Arundel has said, he having reasoned enough: mostly, that I know your intelligence [is] so high, that I do not doubt the point, [that] he has been completely understood by us: but I will say only, that, how much I approve of all of that, which he has

[f. 24]

said; and I am obliged to desire to fight this action against the person who might desire to speak the contrary. And, these last words accompanied with placing his hand on his sword, he added; And if the persuasions of the Earl of Arundel might not have touched your heart, either this sword will make Mary Queen, or I will lose my life. Intending by the persuasion, reason, and by the sword, force.
The authority of these two lords, the just and honest reasons, with which they were accompanied, [with which] they were done, that many others, and nearly the most part of the Council, confirmed it to be a good act to call Mary their Queen: but nevertheless there were those, that were present, who felt obliged first to advertise [1] the Duke themselves, and to procure among many things the obtainment of a general pardon from the Queen. But because these were few in number, they did not otherwise approve it: rather immediately, without time in between, they all of accord subscribed to a proclamation, to declare Mary Queen. The which done, and among many [other things] having given an oath [of loyalty] to 150 men in the Tower, with diverse additional discreet actions,

1. Advertise = advise, inform (archaic)

[f. 24b]

in order for the Duke of Suffolk to bring himself out [of the Tower], when that he might not have desired to leave willingly, they caused him to understand, that, as one of the council, he should come out to subscribe himself to the proclamation, to pronounce Mary Queen, as her just title. The which thing agreed by the Duke, and recognizing that the people, who were in the Tower, could not be removed by force, he prepared to go there [1]: but first he entered into the room, where his daughter was, and removed the canopy of estate from the said room, he said, that you are no longer Queen: the which responded, that these words were much more convenient, than those, which he had just spoken to her, when he counseled her to accept the realm: and that if by the consequences she might not always be judged prudent by men, whom many will hold to be wise: but the comparison, what is the effect, he is uncovered, and he deceived the people.[2] The which said, she removed herself to a private room with her mother, and other ladies, although with much sorrow, however with great spirit, and much steadfastness. The Duke of Suffolk soon went to find the Council, by which he was made to understand the deliberation taken in the

1. I.e, to Baynard’s Castle to meet with the Council
2. This is a difficult passage to translate, but I believe the intent of the original is that although Jane believes she will be judged to have been imprudent in her actions, at least according to men that many consider to be wise, nonetheless in comparison the outcome is that Dudley has been revealed to be a traitor and to have deceived the people by his treason.

[f. 25]

proclaiming Mary Queen, and likewise the reasons, for which they had themselves done it. Therefore he subscribed to the proclamation himself, and agreed with the opinions of the others, although it was against his will. The which proclamation having been subscribed by all, on the 19th of the said month, at the fourth hour after midday, it was published with these words. Mary, by the grace of God, Queen of England, of France, and of Ireland, defender of the faith, and on earth supreme head of the Church of England, to all our loving, faithful, and obedient [subjects], greetings. It pleasing almighty God to call to Himself the most excellent Prince Edward VI formerly our brother, [of] precious memory, therefore the royal Crown of the realm of England, and of Ireland, as well as the title of France, and all other things appertaining to them, most rightly and legitimately coming to us, we signify to you, that it being our right, and that title, which we hold, and of [which] are in possession, just[ly], and legitimate[ly], not doubting, that every of our faithful, and loyal subjects, they will

[f. 25b]

accept us, and obey [us], as their natural, legitimate, and liege Lady and Queen, according to the duty of their perpetual allegiance, assuring them, that in their affairs they will find us gracious, as in time past they have found the others our most noble ancestors. This proclamation as I said above, was made in London, on the 19th of July, the year 1553.
To the which proclamation all the people being gathered, and heard the name of Mary, such was the joy, that the Earl of Pembroke, the which had been reading it with his own mouth, was not able to finish because of the shouting, that they made in wishing [long] life to the Queen, the which Earl having a cap of great value on his head, adorned with gold, and jewels, threw it away [into the air]: as [is] the custom [in] that country, when they want to signal a joy, and soon was heard a ringing of bells, many tables were seen to appear in the streets, many bonfires, and other signs of joy, by which was truly well known the immense satisfaction of that population. Not long after the proclamation was made, some of those

[f. 26]

Lords of the Council went to Saint Paul[’s], the largest church in London, in which was sung the Te Deum, and the organ was played, a thing not done before by them[1]: and others went with the Duke of Suffolk to the Tower, to inform Jane, and the two Duchesses[2], that they should return to their homes; and that they will have to have as Queen that one [Mary], who they had newly proclaimed. The which was thus done: and the Duke of Suffolk having removed his men from there, to My Lord Northampton was given the guard of the Tower, and similarly of Jane, being left behind, those ladies that had accompanied the said Jane [were informed that they] might at their will be able to depart, [which] they then did; so that everyone of them went home, abandoning the said Jane. At the end of the night the Earl of Arundel, and My Lord Paget pulled up stakes, and went to find the Queen: to the which they gave an account of how much they had done, and they were well received by her, and entertained. The Council wrote thereafter to the Duke of Northumberland [about] the publishing of the proclamation, of Queen Mary made in London, and it commanded,

1. The Te Deum is a Latin hymn of praise in the Roman Catholic tradition, and was banned under Edward VI’s protestant religious settlement. Likewise the use of musical instruments, including organs, during a religious service was banned in the Edwardian church.
2. Jane’s mother, the Duchess of Suffolk, and mother-in-law, the Duchess of Northumberland.

[f. 26b]

that he must likewise proclaim it to the army; and that they should disarm, and they should seek the mercy of her Majesty. So that the Duke, hearing this news, tore out his beard; but nevertheless, like a wise man, [and] concealing from the public the innermost feelings of his heart, he proclaimed the Queen, also even throwing away his cap, as a sign of great joy. The which sentiments of those men, that had remained, which they were nonetheless not many, the most part began to shift to the side of the Queen: among which were many principal Lords of the realm: who throwing themselves at the feet of her Majesty, found pardon. This remained very awkward for the Duke, he not having remedy for his case; finding himself abandoned by everyone, not knowing what to do himself. And nevertheless, being thus interrupted, he went anew to London, which he, as one without hope, with a force of two thousand men, that had remained there [with the Duke], went to set fire to that land. The which [i.e., the people in that region], since that many feared for such new misfortune, they should propose to seek to defend themselves boldly but shortly thereafter they understood that [Dudley’s new plan] not to be true otherwise; on the contrary, that the

[f. 27]

soldiers of the guard of the dead King, which the Duke had led forth the same night as the proclamation of the Queen, had resolved among themselves to show to the world that they had not served the Duke of their own will, but had gone to Sir John Gates, their Captain, and they forced him to go with them to stop the Duke, being at two hours before day [dawn]: the which [Dudley] they found with his boots on his feet, in order to flee, and they arrested him with this protest, that they desired, [that] he should have saved himself the trouble of their penny, for which they had joined him as he went against their Queen. To which he responded, that he did not understand their meaning by this, he being likewise under signed order from the Council in that [matter]; and that they were not able, as Earl Marshal of England, to imprison him: trying with many loving words to convince them to accept: the which had no effect in any manner: so that he was forced to surrender himself their prisoner: and that, this understood by the Queen, the Earl of Arundel with some other Lords having sent [word]

[f. 27b]

that they had made a prisoner of the Duke, arresting likewise [his] son, [his] brother, the Earl of Huntingdon, Sir John Gates, and Harry his [Gate’s] brother, and Thomas Palmer; and that the Duke, being himself kneeling at the feet of the Earl of Arundel, had asked him, that in this his adversity he might desire to be to him a good friend, to which the Earl made a response very lovingly, and with kind words. Thus on the 25th of the said month the Earl entered London with the above-written prisoners: and the day after, the Marquess of Northampton was escorted there with some others, all of them on both days being accompanied by many insults, and by large numbers of the people: and it would have been an easy thing, for this multitude to have to have stoned, and to have killed [them], if those Lords with their authority, had not paid attention, [and] had not guarded them well. Such contempt was itself seen in the attitudes of the people. And so all were placed in prison in the Tower, with many others that were still brought in there day by day: among which one was the Duke of Suffolk, by order of the Queen. After Elizabeth, her sister, learned of the proclamation of the Queen,

[f. 28]

and the capture of the Duke, she staying outside of London at a certain place of hers, left to go to render to the said Queen, her sister, that homage that was itself meet, and to acclaim her herself: so that she passed into London on the 29th accompanied by more than 500 horse, showing gratitude, and kindness, toward everyone.
And so in these events, as in so many others, can be seen, how much our Lord God may have the care of this most benevolent Queen giving her the virtue of patience for her obedience to Him, the which her Majesty had borne at other times [like] heavy clothing; and that [burden] because Henry favored Elizabeth because she had excellent learning, he thinking to change by such ways the good and Catholic opinion of that Queen [Mary]: that not only could she not succeed the father or the brother, all that in there she was constantly troubled with every sort of wicked worries, but always the love of God burned more in her, and the Christian religion, [so that] she having borne her misfortune with marvelous patience, and with that hope

[f. 28b]

in God, by which in the end she had reaped such precious fruit. The Queen approaching London in a while, she had the greatest difficulty dismissing those men, whom she had raised to her favor against the Duke[1]: the which said, that they did not desire to abandon her yet, that they had not [yet] seen her secure and firm in her realm. But in the end she dismissed them, thanking them with courteous affection for their service. And so the first of August she arrived six miles from London, where she was visited by many principal Lords, and Ladies, and merchants, and finally by all the people, all celebrating with her: to the which was generally given a gracious reception. It was two hours after midday, when her Majesty mounted a horse, and made the entrance into London, in handsome order, accompanied by a large number of the people on foot, and on horse, that they [were] about 12 miles [long]. And reaching the Tower, a great salute was had by the cannons, and by trumpets; a wonderful joy running through all. At the entrance the Duke of Norfolk[2] presented himself at her feet, Courtenay[3], the Duchess of Somerset[4], the Bishop

1. Custom barred anyone, including a reigning monarch, from entering the City of London at the head of an army. As such, Mary was required to disband the army before arriving at the city gates.
2. Thomas Howard (1473–1554), 3rd Duke of Norfolk, had been arrested in December 1546 under charges that he knew but failed to report that his son, Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, had used the heraldic arms of St Edward the Confessor, itself an act of treason. Surrey was executed in January 1547, but Henry VIII died on the day of the Duke’s scheduled execution, and the Duke was granted a stay. He remained in prison throughout the reign of Edward VI.
3. Edward Courtenay (1527–1556), later Earl of Devon, who had been imprisoned in the Tower in 1538 at age 11 by Henry VIII following the execution of his father, Henry Courtenay, Marquess of Exeter, for treason. The young Courtenay had remained a prisoner for 15 years, more than half his life.
4. Anne Stanhope Seymour (1510–1587), widow of Edward Seymour, Lord Protector and Duke of Somerset. The Duchess had been imprisoned since October 1551, following her husband’s execution for a purported plot against Dudley.

[f. 29]

of Winchester[1], and that of Durham[2]: the which all had been held in prison, perhaps each against his merit, because King Henry having charged a son of the Duke of Norfolk, who may have plotted against the realm, without any other known justification, had caused his head to be struck off; having afterward imprisoned the father under pretext, that he might have been equally knowledgeable of the deeds of the son; similarly Courtenay had been held in prison, because the King had had his father decapitated, he [Henry VIII] desired to secure himself, against this son being able to cause an uprising at some point. The Duchess of Somerset was charged with knowing the misdeeds of her husband, whose head the Duke of Northumberland had caused to be struck off, charging him with felony, as they say in their language, he having desired to speak and think evil of the person of the King, or of some of the Council, though he had not put it in execution[3]: the Bishop of Winchester, for religion, and in order to remove his Bishopric, the which was very rich[4]: the Bishop of Durham, because he might have wished to consent to an uprising. But in effect it was for the case of religion.

1. Stephen Gardiner (c.1490–1555), consecrated Bishop of Winchester in 1531 in reward for his services to Henry VIII in the divorce from Katherine of Aragon. He was deprived of his bishopric and imprisoned in the Tower in 1548 after objecting to many aspects of Edward VI’s policies, especially the changes made in religion.
2. Cuthbert Tunstall (1474–1559), consecrated Bishop of Durham in 1530, deprived and imprisoned in 1551 for his opposition to the Edwardian religious reforms.
3. I.e., had not turned his desires into actions
4. The author accuses Dudley and the Crown of depriving Gardiner of the Bishopric of Winchester partly in order to gain access to the income from the episcopal lands, which ordinarily devolved to the Crown during any vacancy. There may be truth to the accusation, since the action coincided with a period of rapid inflation, debasement and devaluation of the coinage, and declining government revenues.

[f. 29b]

The said Bishop of Winchester made a short speech to the Queen, beseeching her for himself, and for those above-named: the which was very contended, and embracing them sweetly she said to them, it is no mystery, that they should have demanded pardon, she knowing, that they had never offended the Crown, and who for that [reason], she touched them, pardoned them, and gave them every sort of liberty, she afterward made the said Bishop of Winchester Great Chancellor, and Courtenay the Earl of Devon; the which afterward grew to great authority with the Queen, and with the people. Her Majesty remained in the Tower until the 8th of the month, on which day she departed by water, and went to her palace [of] Richmond, six miles distant from London; leaving diverse gentlemen in the Tower, for the examinations of the prisoners, to which they attended with much diligence. And at midday on the 13th of the month, preaching in St. Paul[’s], in favor of right religion[1], a new thing to the ears of the people, he [the Bishop of Winchester] was pummeled by stones, and a dagger, and the * [2], that in our language is like mayor of the land [i.e., city], to be able to save him,

1. I.e., Roman Catholicism
2. A large asterisk appears in the original text, giving the appearance that the author was unable to spell the word ‘mayor’ phonetically.

[f. 30]

the which acted to put another in the pulpit, who preached following their custom. But those seditious ones were shortly after placed in prison, and punished together with some others, who had pummeled with stones one who tried to say the Mass in Saint Bartholomew’s. And these uprisings resulted, that on the 20th was then issued a proclamation in the name of her Majesty that [everyone should] desire to live in that religion, in which he had always lived before; asking everyone to desire to follow it, lest she might have to use some force; for a while prohibiting however, that none should be able to preach, either in public, or in private about such religion, and neither to debate. The end of the examination of the Duke of Northumberland coming at this time, on the 18th of the month he was removed from the Tower, and taken by water along with the Earl of Warwick, his eldest son, and the Marquess of Northampton to the great hall of Westminster[1] to be judged, the place, where they judged the criminals: in which hall as tribunal of judgment sat the most part of that Council. Where the Duke [having been] conducted to the bar, for his testimony he said,

1. Westminster Hall, begun in 1097 as part of the old Palace of Westminster and used until 1882 as a massive court room. Though the majority of the old Palace was destroyed by fire in 1834, the Hall survived. It is now surrounded by the New Palace of Westminster, also known as the Houses of Parliament.

[f. 30b]

that he had not gone against the Queen, neither had he worked anything without express order and writing from the Council, as itself in effect was true: the which excuse not being accepted by them, he confessed to be a sinner, and to merit death: to the which by sentence he was condemned, and once the sentence was passed, he asked the Council that he might desire the penalty, and the manner of death to be moderated; but above all to have compassion for his sons, the which had erred, like youths, and ignorantly, in obedience to him; he made a plea, that he might be sent a religious, and learned, person with the which before his death he might be able to entrust his conscience: and that it should not be grave to four, or six of their Lordships to go to visit him, so that he might be able to confer with them [regarding] some important matters of the realm. The Marquess of Northampton was likewise led to the bar; the which, having said more of the same, that was said by the Duke, said as well that he was not himself ever in government, and that he always attended the hunt. And that excuse not being itself accepted, he confessed in a few words to merit death,

[f. 31]

weeping openly; and so he was still condemned. The Earl of Warwick was conducted [to the bar] thereafter the which courageously added to his testimony that he was young, and had failed as obedient to his father, without knowing much else. Nonetheless with all these his reasons he was still equally condemned to death. The which condemnation he did not answer otherwise, he asked only that he might be placed in her debt, and this was done, because it is the custom of England, that, when someone commits the crime of offending Majesty the Court seizes all of his goods, without paying any sort of debts, that the condemned may have. All these were returned to the Tower, and on the following day in the same hall were condemned to death Sir Andrew Dudley, brother of the Duke, Sir John Gates, Captain of the Guard, and Sir Harry Gates, his brother, and Sir Thomas Palmer; the which, without being interrogated much, confessed to merit death: and so they were remanded to the Tower. The date was given thereafter of the death of the Duke, and on the 20th

[31b]

he went to a public Mass in the chapel of the Tower together with his brother, the two Gateses, and Palmer: and after he heard the said Mass, and received communion with much devotion, he sought forgiveness, almost weeping, from all those, who were present, calling on the mercy of God, and thanking His divine goodness for having enlightened him, and taken away the deceit, in which he had lived for 16 years. And the same was done by the others, and on the 22nd the Duke, John Gates, and Thomas Palmer were conducted to justice, in the 11th hour before midday, finding all London at which spectacle, the Duke, mounting upon the platform prepared for beheading him, spoke in this way with great attention from everyone.
You, good people, who have come to see me die, even that my death is odious, and horrible to the flesh; nevertheless I ask you to take in good part the works of God: because he makes everything better. And, such as me, I am a miserable sinner, I have deserved to die, and justly am condemned to death: although this deed,

32

that is the cause of my death, it is not all mine, as is thought: but I was provoked by others, and induced. God protect me nevertheless, that I should have to name anyone here. I give my pardon to all, and I even ask God, likewise to pardon [them] all. And if I have given any offense to you here present, I ask you to pardon me, and I ask it of all the world, and especially her Highness the Queen, the which I have gravely offended, and I ask everyone to bear witness with me, that in perfect love, and charity with all the world I depart from this life. And for grace in the hour of my death desire to assist me with your prayers. One thing, good people, I desire to say to you, moved principally to do it for the unburdening of my conscience, that you guard yourselves from these seditious preachers, and teachers of the new doctrine, who pretend to preach the word of God, but in effect preach their own peculiar fantasies: have care as you encounter strange opinions or new doctrine, the which have recently been brought into this realm, and have justly provoked over us the wrath of God, as whomever is able to

[32b]

see can himself easily recall to memory the many plagues, with the which this realm has been wounded, since who of us may be separated from the catholic[51] church of Christ, and the teaching, that was recited by the holy Apostles, by the martyrs, and by all the saints, and used by every realm in Christendom after Christ; and I believe truly, that every calamity happening in the last years before and after the death of Henry, were justly fallen upon us, because we have separated ourselves from the rest of Christianity: in comparison to which we have one minimal glimmer [of hope]. Which [is] considered grace. Have we not had likewise among us war, famine, pestilence, the death of our King, rebellion, sedition, and conspiracy? Have we not had diverse, and pestiferous opinions, born among us in this realm after we had abandoned the union of the catholic church, and other evils the worst that can be, the which have we not felt? And if that is not able to move you, remember Germany, and see, that, after she entered into an opinion contrary to the catholic church,

[51] Here meaning ‘universal’ rather than ‘Roman Catholic.’

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and by continuous discordances, born among them, is almost conducted to extreme ruin. You therefore, in order that a similar, and much greater ruin does not befall us, by provoking too much the just vengeance of God; remove these controversies quickly; renounce there in you blame, or disgrace, to unite with the other realms of Christianity: and so restore you anew to be members of Christ, he not being able be head of a deformed and monstrous body. Consider your articles of faith. Do you not have these words? I believe in the Holy Spirit, in the Holy Catholic Church, in the communion of saints, with the universal number of the faithful people, making mention of Christianity, that is dispersed throughout the universal world, of which number I believe to be one. I could advance to you many more things on this point: but only this is enough. And here I declare to you, good people, that, what I have spoken to you now, is justly given from the depths of my heart, and I have said it from myself, not being required, nor moved by any person, nor by any flattery,

[33b]

or hope of life, and I give as witness Monsignor Winchester, my ancient friend, and spiritual father, who found me in this mind, and opinion, when he came to me. But I professed this only on my own intention and affection, for the discharge of my conscience, and for the zeal, and love, that I feel for my natural land. I could be able to recite to you much more from experience, that I have, of such evil, that has befallen this realm through certain occasions: but know you, that one other thing remains to be done, the which seems required of me. Because the time has come. And now I ask her Highness the Queen to forgive me my offense against her Majesty. Of the which thing I myself surely hope. Because she has herself already [given] of her goodness, and clemency so much already to me, that, where she was able without judgment of me, or without desiring to know more, to cause me to die most vilely, and cruelly: because I raised an army and brought it against her Highness: nonetheless her Majesty’s mercy, and abundance of goodness, are themselves contented, that I am still judged, and that

34

my causes have been determined for her by the laws, the which have justly condemned me. And the pity of her Majesty is itself revealed much more in the manner of my death.[52] Therefore I ask you all warmly to ask God, that it may please Him long to preserve her Majesty in the realm to your honor, and happiness, and welfare. To this the people responded Amen. When he had spoken these things, he knelt down, saying to those who were around him: I ask you all to hold certain that I die in my true and catholic faith. And then he said the psalms, the Miserere[53], the De profundis[54], and the Latin Pater Noster[55], and the first six verses of the psalm, In te Domine speravi[56], ending with that verse, In manus tuas Domine commendo spiritum meum.[57] And when he had finished his prayers, the executioner begged forgiveness of him. To the which he responded: I forgive you: and bowing toward the block he said, I have merited a thousand deaths: and making the sign of the cross over the straw, he kissed it: And he placed his head on the block, [so that] he could die.
All that which, the Duke said, was afterward repeated in substance by Gates, and by

[52] Mary granted to Dudley the more merciful death of execution by beheading, rather than the traditional but far more gruesome penalty for treason, which was death by hanging, drawing, and quartering.
[53] Psalm 51
[54] Psalm 130
[55] The Our Father, or Lord’s Prayer
[56] Psalm 31
[57] Latin: Into your hands I commend my spirit.

[34b]

Palmer, which one after the other likewise had their head struck off, which generally gave all of the people a great fright; but much more they were bewildered by the speech, that the Duke made, he being able to persuade them about every other thing, than this; that how he had been Head, and occasion of many evils, involving religion. The rest of the other prisoners were freed, and others remained in the Tower; and although they had been condemned, nonetheless the Queen, full of goodness and pity, did not desire that other executions should be performed then;[other] than were reasonably necessary and required; rather some of those, to the which she pardoned, she not only released [them] without any fine, but gave them offices, and honors, keeping them near her person with much trust, overcoming with this manner their ill will, with the gratitude of the recipients, and having [herself] loved more dearly for her mercy, than hated for justice. In a while the coronation was prepared, and her Majesty being returned from Richmond, and staying in the Tower, made the obsequies for the King; making likewise the said

35

obsequies in Westminster in the protestant [manner][58]: and thereafter finding the coronation prepared, and in order, on the 30th of September, her Majesty departed the Tower, three hours after lunch, to go to her palace of Westminster, in order then to be crowned on the following morning: and she was accompanied by more than five hundred horse, [including] among [them] Lords, gentlemen, and Ambassadors, all most respectably dressed; the which were followed by two dressed in ducal array; as representatives of the pretention that this Crown has over the Duchy of Gascogne, and of Normandy. A litter covered with a canopy of gold followed then, the which litter was carried by two mules covered likewise [in] gold, upon which eminently sat her Majesty, dressed in a gown of silver with a garnishment of jewels on her head. After her Majesty followed Lord Edward Hastings, Master of the Horse[59], dressed in gold. He was followed by two spotted Arabian horses[60] covered with gold. Near there was a cart covered most richly, drawn by four spotted horses, adorned at the same time with that silver, on which were the Lady

[58] Two nearly simultaneous funeral services were conducted for Edward VI, one in the chapel at the Tower using a Roman Catholic observance, the other at Westminster Abbey using the service from Edward’s own Protestant Book of Common Prayer of 1552.
[59] Edward Hastings (ca.1521–1571), after 1557 Baron Hastings of Loughborough. Hastings was the brother of Francis Hastings, 2nd Earl of Huntingdon, who had supported Dudley and Queen Jane. Lord Edward had been among the first of the nobility to declare for Mary, for which he was rewarded with the prestigious and lucrative office of Master of the Horse.
[60] The original Italian word is ‘chinee’. From the context, it is apparent that ‘chinee’ is some type of horse. The word is archaic in this context, however, and its modern meaning has only indirect relevance here. Based on the apparent connotations of the Italian word, which today means ‘Chinese’ (i.e., oriental), the breed was probably a forerunner of the modern Arabian horse, which had been introduced into Spain in the 8th century by invading Muslim armies.

[35b]

Elizabeth sister of her Majesty, and the Lady of Cleves, former wife of Henry;[sic] VIII and by him she was repudiated; both were dressed in silver, with gowns in the French style. Two other carts followed thereafter, covered in brocade and crimson velvet, each one drawn by four spotted horses, covered in brocade and crimson velvet, upon which were eight princesses.[61] About seventy ladies and gentlewomen on horse followed thereafter, with them covered with crimson velvet, and they [were] dressed in the same velvet, in the French style, with linings, and under-dresses of silver, and gold. Near the litter of her Majesty were four principal princesses, that is the Duchess of Norfolk[62], the Marchioness of Exeter[63], the Marchioness of Winchester[64], and the Countess of Arundel[65]: the which did not themselves ever alight from the said litter. Finally 12 pageboys followed, on most beautiful coursers[66], dressed in gold, and silver; and likewise their horses. On either side of the said company went the guard of her Majesty [who were] themselves gentlemen of the axe,

[61] i.e., ladies of high rank.
[62] The elderly Anne Stafford (1494–1558), wife of the Duke of Norfolk and daughter of Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham executed in 1521 under accusations of plotting to kill Henry VIII and seize the Crown.
[63] Gertrude Blount Courtenay (ca.1500–1558), widow of Henry Courtenay (1496–1539), 1st Marquess of Exeter, and mother of Edward Courtenay. No relation to Elizabeth Blount, mother of Henry VIII’s only acknowledged illegitimate son, Henry Fitzroy.
[64] Elizabeth Paulet (d.1558), wife of William Paulet, (ca.1485–1572), 1st Marquess of Winchester and Lord Treasurer from 1550 until 1572.
[65] Mary Arundell Fitzalan (n.d.), wife of Henry Fitzalan (1512–1580), 19th Earl of Arundell. Mary’s father, Sir John Arundell of Cornwall, had no relation to the Earldom of Arundel.
[66] i.e., fine hunting horses.

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like the archers, and they were near three hundred. In the streets were found many [ceremonial] arches, but nevertheless two were of consideration there: one of the Genoese, and the other of the Florentines. On that of the Genoese was written this inscription.
Mariæ Reginæ inclytæ, constanti, piæ, coronam Britannici imperii, et palmam virtutis accipienti Genuenses, publica salute lætantes, cultum optatum tribuunt.[67] And on the other side of the said arch was itself written:
Virtus superavit, Iustitia dominator, Veritas triumphat, Pietas coronatur, Salus reipublicæ restituitur.[68] On that of the Florentines four statues were seen, the first two Virtue, and Fame, to the which the following verses alluded:
Virtutes fama reginam ad sidera tollunt. Mariæ Britannorum reginæ victrici, piæ, Augustæ, Florentini gloriæ insignia erexerunt.[69] Thereafter under the imagine of the Queen triumphant[70] was written, Salus publica.[71] Under the image of Pallade[72], Invicta virtus.[73] Under the history of Tomyris[74], Libertatis ultrici.[75] Under Judith[76], Patriæ liberatrici

[67] Latin: To famous, constant, loyal Queen Mary, the crown of the British empire, and receiving the palm of virtue of Genoa, the public rejoicing with salutation, they bestow pleasing honor.
[68] Latin: Virtue overflows, Justice reigns, truth triumphs, pity encircles, the commonwealth is restored.
[69] Latin: The Seven Virtues lift up the queen with fame to the stars. To victorious, pious, majestic Queen Mary of the Britons, the Florentines have raised glorious honors.
[70] A common non-specific image of a female warrior-queen, often depicted in armor, sometimes with one breast bare. See, for example, England’s personification of Britannia or France’s personification of Liberty.
[71] Latin: Public welfare.
[72] Pallas Athena, ancient Greek goddess of wisdom, courage, strength, justice, and warfare.
[73] Latin: Invincible virtue.
[74] Warrior queen of the Massagetae who defeated the Persian king Cyrus the Great in the 6th century BCE when that king invaded her country. Often included among the classical and biblical Nine Worthy Women of history who together personified the feminine virtues.
[75] Latin: Avenging of liberty.
[76] Judith, heroine of Israelites who slew Holofernes.

[36b]

with the following verses, which were written on a cloth of silver.
Magnanimis per te quòd pax sit parta Britannis,
Exilio ac redeant iustitia, et pietas;
Et virgo præstes, quod vir effecerit ullus,
Vir, summu[m] qui sit vectus ad imperium;
Dum recipit virtus augustam vere corona[m],
Et reddunt omnes publica vota Deæ,
Læta tibi talem tribuit Florentia cultum:
Qui tamen arcano pectore major inest.[77] The following morning, which was Sunday, and the first day of October, her Majesty went to the church of Westminster, in the which was had the coronation; and before her Majesty walked all the gentlemen of her household, part dressed in scarlet, part in satin, and part in crimson velvet, according to the degree of their dignity.[78] The ‘My Lords’[79] came after, with gowns of scarlet lined with ermine; and after them went the Earls, the Marquesses, and the Dukes, carrying in hand the crown, the orb[80], and two scepters, three swords[81], the spurs[82], and other things appertaining to the ceremony, each following

[77] Latin: ‘Because of you peace may arise in Great Britain,/ And justice and pity may return from exile;/ And the virgin may excel, [that] which any man may accomplish,/ O man, who may be carried up to the summit of power;/ Until virtue truly recaptures the noble crown,/ and all praise of God is restored to the realm;/ Rejoicing Florence bestows such adoration upon you,/ for whom the greater [part] is still in the hidden heart’.
The original Latin itself is flawed; cf. ‘Magnanimis Britannis’ vs. ‘Magna Britannia’; ‘virgo praestes’ vs ‘virgo praestet’ or (less probably) ‘virginem praestes’; ‘qui’ vs ‘cui’.
[78] i.e., dressed as their social status allowed, in conformity with the sumptuary laws.
[79] Many foreign observers understood the English form of personal address ‘My Lord’ to be itself a title of nobility rather than a verbal courtesy. Thus the author often refers to groups of nobles as ‘the My Lords’, though here he means the Barons.
[80] Held in the monarch’s left hand at the coronation to symbolize the monarch’s role as Christ’s representative in His earthly dominion.
[81] The Sword of State, the Sword of Justice, and the ‘Curtana’ or Sword of Mercy.
[82] Representing knightly chivalry.

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his degree, and his privilege. Then followed her Majesty, dressed in a gown of crimson velvet, with a very long train, carried by her Chamberlain and the Duchess of Norfolk; supporting the arms, the right upon the Bishop of Durham, the left [the Bishop] of Salisbury; thereafter followed the Lady Elizabeth, the Lady of Cleves, and all the other Princesses[83], dressed with gowns and under-dresses of crimson velvet, lined with ermine, with long trains, with coronets of gold on the head, according to the degree of each. The Princes[84] were similarly dressed with coronets around their ducal caps, lined with ermine, the which they nevertheless carried in their hand in the church. After the said Princesses followed the wives of the Earls, dressed in gowns of scarlet, lined with ermine, and similarly their under-dresses. After there came the ladies[-in-waiting] of her Majesty in large number, dressed in scarlet, in this order: Her Majesty reached the church, all the floor where she passed being covered with blue cloth, which was given afterward to the people: and the Bishop of Winchester,

[83] i.e., duchesses and marchionesses.
[84] i.e., dukes and marquesses.

[37b]

the which had to conduct the ceremony of the coronation[85], along with ten other Bishops, and other priests, [all] having arrived in the hall of Westminster, finally accompanied her under a canopy to the church; and she was escorted to a high platform, built before the great altar, on which was placed the royal seat, very eminent. When her Majesty arrived, she was shown to the people at each of the four sides of the platform by the Bishop of Winchester, saying to them, that that [lady] was the true Queen: and asking if they accepted her as such, and, yes, being responded by every side, her Majesty went to the altar: where she made the prayers, [then] she was placed on the seat in order to hear the sermon: the which was given by a Bishop on the subject of the obedience that must be given to kings. The which ended, her Majesty made the oath. And after bowing before the altar, the litanies were sung. The which done, she retired to a private place: where the gown was removed, and she was dressed in an under-dress of purple velvet, a blessing first being given to all the clothing that she had to wear. And she arrived at the altar,

[85] Coronations are usually performed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, but the Archbishop at the time of Mary’s coronation, Thomas Cranmer, was a Protestant and thus ineligible to crown a Roman Catholic queen.

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newly stretched herself out prostrate on the floor, and the prelates blessed her with very beautiful ceremony: and returned to the seat before the altar, she was anointed by the said Bishop [of Winchester] on the shoulders, the breast, the forehead, and the temples, and afterwards was dressed in a dress of white taffeta, and a gown of morel[86] velvet, lined with ermine, without a collar: and so newly placed in the seat, all the above said insignia, that were carried in the hands of the Princes were presented to her, and finally she was crowned with three crowns[87]: and with the last remaining on her head, she departed from the altar, singing herself the Te Deum, and was placed in a seat above the chair, that was on the platform: and then the general pardon was proclaimed by the Bishop of Winchester; the which Bishop went thereafter to pay homage to her Majesty: and after him the Duke of Norfolk in the name of all the Dukes; kissing the left cheek of her Majesty. Likewise then the Marquess of Winchester for the Marquesses, and the Earl of Arundel for all the Earls, being however kissed by all particularly. The same was also done after by the My Lords. And the ceremony ended, the Bishop of Winchester sang the

[86] a dark reddish-brown
[87] The crowns of France, Ireland, and England.

[38b]

mass, [during] the which her Majesty remained always on her knees, having in her hands two scepters, one of the King, and the other with the dove on top, used to give to the Queen. The Mass completed, her Majesty retired anew to the said private room; and thereafter exited with a gown of morel velvet, with the collar lined with ermine, carrying in the right hand the royal scepter, and in the left the orb; and supported by the Bishop of Durham, and the Earl of Salisbury[88], and in the same order, in which they arrived, they departed, having along more Ambassadors, the which were themselves at that ceremony, upon two platforms, built for the purpose, and in this way she returned to the great hall of Westminster; where they had prepared the table to dine. By then it was five hours after midday. In this room were two Lords on horse, the Earl of Arloi[89] and the Duke of Norfolk; the first [was] for that day Grand Constable[90], the second Grand Marshal[91]; to whom was given the duty of guarding the hall following tradition. After some space [of time], her Majesty was placed at a table in the middle, under a canopy,

[88] Actually the Bishop of Salisbury, John Salcott (aka John Capon), the Earldom of Salisbury having been extinct since 1541.
[89] Apparently the Earl of Arundel, since that earl was Lord High Constable for Mary’s coronation.
[90] Properly styled Lord High Constable of England.
[91] Properly styled Earl Marshal, despite the holder’s higher ducal rank.

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and at one side sat, but very distant, the Lady Elizabeth, and the Lady of Cleves, and at the other side the Bishop of Winchester, High Chancellor. And the banquet continuing, with royal foods for all the tables, by which the room was filled, a gentleman on horse, richly attired, and armed with a lance in hand, named Dymoke, the family of whom had by privilege, on such occasions the holding of this office[92], and from the mouth of the Herald was proclaimed, that he knew that one to be the true Queen of England; and that if there was anyone that dared to speak the contrary, that he offered himself with arms to preserve her; and throwing [down] the Gauntlet of Challenge; and who there halted himself for some space [of time], he went around the room, around and around; and returned to the same place, making an eager countenance, if anything was said against him, and nothing appearing he made reverence to her Majesty, then showing himself cheered up. The which, given a cup of gold, full of wine, made a toast, and she gave him a gift; the which when he departed he carried in hand, in place of the lance. A little while thereafter

[92] The King’s/Queen’s Champion in 1553 was Edward Dymoke (ca.1508–1566), who also served as Champion at the coronations of Edward VI in 1547 and that of Elizabeth in 1559. The Dymokes of Gloucestershire had held the hereditary office of King’s Champion since 1377, beginning with the coronation of Richard II. They inherited the office via a marriage in about 1350 between John Dymoke and Jane Marmion, Jane being the sole heir of the Marmions of Warwickshire and Normandy. The Marmions had held the office since William the Conqueror, having already served as Champion to the Dukes of Normandy prior to 1066. The last Dymoke to enact the full ritual as King’s Champion was Sir Henry Dymoke, who fulfilled his duties at the coronation of King George IV in 1821. The ritual was thereafter allowed to lapse, though the Dymokes retain to this day the hereditary right to carry the Standard of England in the coronation procession. Sir John Marmion Dymoke carried the Standard at the coronation of Elizabeth II in 1953.

[39b]

the eating being ended, her Majesty called the ambassadors to herself, and with most gentle words reasoning with all, and thanking them for the inconvenience [they] suffered, she gave them license[93]; and raising herself from the table, she retired herself. The coronation done a parliament was summoned, in order to pass laws concerning issues of that realm, the which by the changes in government custom had needed to be changed, as was itself done, passing in that parliament many laws against those [customs], that were first made during the lifetime of King Henry, and likewise during the lifetime of Edward: of the which one was confirmed, [being] the marriage of the mother of the Queen, made with King Henry, to be legitimate, annulling every other act to the contrary: with which [new act] the Queen herself came to be declared legitimate, and true successor in that realm: and by consequence all the other women of Henry were called concubines, and not wives; and likewise the children born to be bastards. One other removed all the laws made in the time of Edward concerning the matters of religion, namely the marriage of priests, and ceremonies of the Church; ordering that the priests,

[93] i.e., permission to leave.

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that had wives, not desiring to leave them, and [not] themselves repenting, would not be able to administer the divine offices, nor to resume any entry into the Church; but if they left the wives, with some demonstrations of penance, in a little while they would be forgiven, with some aid to live their [lives]: and that those, the which the wives had died, having made penitence of the sin, would be able to resume celebrating [the Mass], without any of them having entered, where he later saw himself, that access [to office] was removed from many Bishops, and the Bishoprics, that once used to be ten in number, were given to persons of good example, and of good life; restoring some to the prelacy, who were themselves first deprived by Henry. A law was also made, that removed those last ordinances, that, whatever was spoken about the reformation of the Church, that is against the King, or his improvements, incurred the crime of offending Majesty. The which ordinances touched especially the men of the church: because it was not conceded to them to preach, or to debate on many things, that now is the liberty of everyone. In the which parliament was also removed from the Queen the title of Supreme head of the Church,

[40b]

all that might many may have thought to be contrary. They did equally in the said parliament restore some houses of nobility in the ancient blood; like that of Courtenay, the Duke of Norfolk, and Monsignor the Most Noble Pole[94]: who [Pole] otherwise did not desire to claim it, that ability to inherit. Because he, who is tarnished by treason[95], [and who] is not able to enjoy it himself[96], whether a small, or a great inheritance, he declined that desire himself, [it being] better that the King enjoy it himself, finally in the end, that his family was restored in blood. And already in all these families the stain remained there, even though more by someone else’s earlier wickedness, than by their [own] faults. Soon the betrothal of her Majesty began to be spoken of, that she being already of a mature age, 40 years, [or] thereabouts, it seemed to the greatest part, that she must not wait any longer, in order to have some issue: in the which matter rushed many opinions: nevertheless it was necessary, that the work of God might be [done], to persuade her of it, that for the welfare of this realm she should desire to wed, she being at that distance [age], and showing herself very little resolved [to marry]. Some designed on the person of the Prince of Spain, others on the Cardinal Pole, others on Courtenay,

[94] Cardinal Reginald Pole (1500–1558), whose maternal grandfather was George, 1st Duke of Clarence and younger brother of King Edward IV. Cardinal Pole was de jure Earl of Salisbury in right of his mother, Margaret Plantagenet Pole (1473–1541), 8th Countess Salisbury in her own right. He was also the senior male heir to the Yorkist claim to the Crown of England. Because he was a prince of the Roman Catholic Church, however, Pole declined to pursue both his claim to the Earldom of Salisbury and to the Crown of England.
[95] All three persons named were themselves implicated in treasons committed by relatives. Courtenay’s father, Norfolk’s son, and Pole’s mother were each executed for treason during the reign of Henry VIII. As a result, each family lost its titles of nobility, its lands, and any claims to the crown. Courtenay fil and Norfolk père were imprisoned, while Pole was himself already on the continent at the time of his family’s disgrace.
[96] As a priest of the Roman Catholic Church, Pole had taken a vow of poverty and had thus ostensibly foresworn worldly wealth.

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and many following their [own] humors. Those [men], who favored the side of the Prince, were themselves moved by these reasons; that that realm being very disturbed, and divided, it was necessary to have a King so potent, who might have et force to accept him, and who would be able to secure himself by any means, which the King of France had attempted with such divisions. The which King being so near, and being himself seized of Scotland[97] easily finding this disunion, and not being in dispute[98], in time he could have been able to design to occupy that realm, as well as that the religious way of life of the Queen not be pursued by having another[99], who [was] a foreigner. Others diversely spoke of Monsignor Pole, and they said, that nobility also residing in him, [he] being of the blood royal, and descended from a sister of Henry VIII[100], the good religion, and the goodness of his life, that was an example to all of Christianity, with him being of that realm[101], [what] were they able to hope for, if not charity, good works, and good government, and that easily with his authority it was a most benevolent act to defend that realm, from the power of France,

[97] ‘Seized of’ is a legal term used in relation to feudal patterns of land ownership, possession, and inheritance. To be ‘seized of’ lands or estates is to be in full and actual legal possession, as opposed to merely claiming ownership. In this instance, Henri II, King of France had actual legal possession of Scotland by virtue of the betrothal contract agreed to in 1548 between his son François (1544–1560), Dauphin of France and Mary Stuart (1542–1587), Queen of Scotland. Under that contract, Scotland was to be united to the French Crown upon completion of the marriage and the accession of François and Mary as King and Queen of France and Scotland. As a condition of the betrothal, Queen Mary of Scotland lived at the French court beginning in 1548. Therefore between 1548 and the time of the author’s writing, Scotland was governed by James Hamilton, Earl of Arran, though Hamilton’s power was rapidly fading. Mary Stuart’s mother, the French Mary of Guise, Dowager Queen of Scotland, was to become Regent of Scotland early in 1554, a position she retained until her death in 1560. Thus Scotland was essentially legally a spousal possession of the Dauphin of France, since husbands customarily assumed legal ownership of their wives’ property during the marriage. But because François was still a minor, his father, King Henri II of France, held actual legal possession of, or was ‘seized of’, François’s ‘estate’ of Scotland from 1548 until the son succeeded briefly as François II in 1559. In contrast, English monarchs from 1340 to 1801 claimed the Crown of France, and thus ‘legal possession’ of France itself, though the English monarchs were never in actual possession, and thus never ‘seized of’ France.
[98] Though France was then involved in the wars on the Italian peninsula, it was enjoying a brief period of internal peace. The independent Duchys of Burgundy and Brittany had been subdued and incorporated with France by 1532, following a lengthy period of warfare. The internal Wars of Religion would not begin until 1562. Even the long-running wars with England had been suspended. Indeed, at the time of the death of Edward VI, Dudley had been attempting to negotiate a marriage contract between Edward and Elizabeth of France, eldest daughter of Henri II, largely in order to ensure continuing peace between the two realms.
[99] i.e., that the Queen’s Roman Catholic religion not be bolstered by having a husband of the same religion, especially a powerful foreigner.
[100] The author’s claim that Reginald Pole was a nephew of Henry VIII is erroneous. See note 94 above.
[101] i.e., not a foreigner.

[41b]

without summoning a foreign army. Many diversely spoke of Courtenay, saying, that he was of them, born of the blood royal, and descended as well from a sister of the mother of Henry of the White Rose[102], that he [Courtenay] had lived according to their protestant religion: in which case they would not be able to be put in servitude to the Pope; he being nourished in the new religion; and by the blood they were shown his nobility, and how the act was [done] under authority to conserve the realm[103]: and that likewise being [one] of them, and knowing, better than the strangers, the humors of his native land, he could still learn better to govern and to accept them, removing every sort of division: besides which they [the Spanish] might come to take advantage of this occasion to bring in strangers to import [foreign] customs to that realm, and there to establish perpetual servitude, as is now found in every part of Italy dominated by the Spanish: and which they had maintained with that alliance[104], under which it [Italy] has lived for a long time. Nevertheless the affairs of the Princes were firm things, and the considerations in that subject [were] obvious things, [such] that in a short while it began

[102] Edward Courtenay was the son of Henry Courtenay (1496–1539), 1st Marquess of Exeter. Henry Courtenay’s mother, in turn, was Catherine of York (d.1527), daughter of King Edward IV (d.1483). Catherine’s elder sister, Elizabeth of York, had wed King Henry VII and become the mother of Henry VIII. Edward Courtenay and Mary Tudor were thus second cousins.
The author has here misunderstood the confusing nomenclature of what is now called ‘The Wars of the Roses’. ‘Henry of the White Rose’ can refer only to Henry VI (d.1471), last King of England to stake his claim to the Crown based on descent from solely the House of Lancaster, or the ‘House of the White Rose’. Both Henry Courtenay’s mother Catherine and her sister Elizabeth were members of the House of York, or ‘Red Rose’. The author seems, however, to refer to Henry VIII when he states ‘sister of the mother of Henry of the White Rose’, since Henry VIII’s mother Elizabeth was indeed sister to Edward Courtenay’s grandmother Catherine. And while Henry VIII was descended from the House of Lancaster, i.e., the ‘White Rose’, in the maternal line of his father, he was also descended from the House of York, i.e., the ‘Red Rose’, in the line of his mother. Both Henry VII and Henry VIII famously combined the white-rose and red-rose badges of the warring Houses of Lancaster and York to form a single red-and-white rose of the new House of Tudor, symbolizing an end to the division. Henry VIII himself thus always symbolically, if not verbally, claimed to be ‘of the Red-and-White Rose’ rather than of simply the ‘White Rose’. And Edward Courtenay’s father Henry had in fact been executed in 1539 in large part because of an accusation that he had plotted to assert his own Yorkist-only claim to the throne against the combined dual Yorkist and Lancastrian claims of Henry VIII.
[103] This seems to refer to Courtenay’s alleged participation in the rebellions of late January 1553, usually referred to as Wyatt’s Rebellion, itself an act intended to preserve the English Crown from being seized by Spain. Courtenay was accused of planning to raise rebellions in Cornwall and Devon in support of Wyatt’s own action in Kent, and of plotting to marry Elizabeth Tudor and claim the throne for himself. He was never convicted, owing to lack of evidence, but he was nonetheless exiled to the continent early in 1555, where he died the following year.
[104] Presumably the Papal Holy League, an alliance between the Italian Papal States, Spain, the Holy Roman Empire, and England formed in order to counter French territorial expansion into Italy.

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to be known, how the Queen [was] more to the favor of the Prince [Philip of Spain], than of any other, she was inclined: so that in many dissatisfaction was seen, and shown to her thereafter. Therefore the case of the Prince already concluded, and published, and the treaties already approved, which was this:
This thing first, [that] it was convenient, that between the Most Serene Prince of Spain, and the Most Serene Queen of England was contracted pure, and legitimate matrimony per verba de præsenti[105], which must with all convenient speed be consummated[106]: and that by virtue of the said marriage contracted, and consummated, the Prince might enjoy the title, honor, and Royal name of all the realms, and domains of the said Most Serene Queen, and might assist her, throughout the duration of the said marriage, in the government, and administration of those, remaining nevertheless secure, and firm the considerations, privileges, and customs of the said realms, and domains: and that especially the Prince leaves the Queen free in the disposition of all benefices, and offices of the said realms, and domains, the which she should have to confer on natural citizens of that realm.

[105] Marriage ‘per verba de præsenti’ is literally a ‘marriage now by contract’, a legally binding statement by the parties involved that they consider themselves married from the moment of signing the marriage contract, even though no marriage ceremony has yet been conducted. In contrast, marriage ‘per verba de futuro’ indicates an intent to be married at some point in the future, otherwise known as a ‘betrothal’ or (in modern language) an ‘engagement’. Both forms, once entered into, were considered by Roman Catholic canon law to be fully binding and indissoluble except by an ecclesiastical court, and only in extraordinary circumstances.
[106] i.e., confirmed by means of the couple’s participation in the ritual associated with the Roman Catholic sacrament of marriage, followed, presumably, by sexual intercourse.

[42b]

Next, it was convenient, that by virtue of the said marriage the Queen ought to be entrusted in company with all the realms, and domains of the Prince that now are, as well as may be in future, during the said marriage. And in the case that the Queen might outlive the Prince, he assigns to her from his plate[107] seventy thousand pounds every year, out of all the patrimonial realms, lands, and domains of the Emperor his father, for all time, that she may live, distributed in the form, which follows, that is that it should be assigned to her out of the realms of Spain, and of Aragon forty thousand pounds, and twenty thousand pounds out of the Duchies, and domains of Brabant, of Flanders, of Holland, of Namur, and of other patrimonial lands of the Emperor in lower Germany, in the [same] way, that the same sum at other times was consigned to Lady Margaret of England[108], who was left widow of Duke Charles of Burgundy[109].
And that in order to avoid the controversies, that might be able to arise among the children regarding the succession, whom it is hoped may be born of such marriage, it shall be ordained in the following manner,

[107] In the era before modern banking, financial savings were often converted into usable gold and silver objects, such as cups, plates, basins, ewers, etc., collectively referred to as ‘plate’.
[108] Margaret of York (1446–1503), daughter of Richard, Duke of York. She became the third wife of Charles ‘the Bold’ of Burgundy in 1468.
[109] Charles died at the Battle of Nancy in 1477.

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first, that as appertains to the maternal inheritance, the issue, that may be born of this marriage, shall have to succeed according to the laws, statutes, and customs of the realm of England, and the other realms, and domains, that of them depend. But as to the goods, which the Prince has to leave, they are reserved first to Don Carlos, Infante of Spain, his eldest son, and his sons, and descendants in the male line, then females[,] every consideration, that to the Prince appertains, or may appertain in the event he predeceases the Queen, his widow, as by that of the most undefeated Charles his father, King of Spain, on the one hand, and Sicily on the other, the Duchy of Milan, and other lands, and domains of Italy over which he claims title, that he requires, with weight [given] however of the aforesaid forty thousand pounds of plate, in the manner abovesaid.
And further, that in the event, that the said Infante Don Carlos, may fail in descendants, in such case the eldest son, that will be born of this marriage, will be substituted following nature, the laws, and customs of the succession

[43b]

of those realms and domains.
That the said eldest son will succeed likewise in all the Duchies, earldoms, lordships, and patrimonial lands, that appertain to the Emperor Charles in Burgundy, as well as in lower Germany, and in which[ever] of the other dependencies he may himself desire.
That if issue from this marriage remains after the Infante Don Carlos, and his own successors, male, or female that may be, in such case Don Carlos, and his own descendants will remain excluded from the said lands, and domains of lower Germany, and of Burgundy; the which with every their considerations will come to the eldest sons; that will be born of the present marriage; entrusting to the other male issue convenient portions, and to the female issue convenient dowries in the realm of England, and domains aforesaid of lower Germany, and of Burgundy. Declaring that that eldest son, or his descendants not being able to claim any thing in the realm of Spain, or the other domains of the said Infante Don Carlos; reserved however those, which are left by testament of the widow, or the father.

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That itself occurring, that of this marriage not being born any male issue, but only female, in that case the eldest daughter shall succeed with every consideration in the domains of lower Germany, [provided] always that she take [as] husband a native of England, or of the said Germany: and that it be with the consent, and with the counsel of the Infante Don Carlos her brother: otherwise, when she, [having] rejected the counsel of the brother, marries another person, who [is] of the aforesaid place, in such case she shall be deprived of the succession to the said domains of lower Germany and of Burgundy, and to the Infante Don Carlos, or to his descendants shall remain whole and entire the considerations of such succession, not failing howewer to give them, what to the other issue, that may remain from the said marriage, convenient dowries, following the use, and custom of the said realms, and domains; understanding themselves, male issue not being themselves there.
That if by chance the said Don Carlos should fail, and all his descendants, and that likewise no male issue should be born of this marriage, only female,

[44b]

in such case then the eldest daughter shall succeed not only in the domains of lower Germany, and of Burgundy, but in the realms of Spain as well, of England, and of the others [in] conformity to the laws, and their ordinances.
[Be] it ordained still, and expressly declared, that which itself is desired in every instance of succession, [in] which she shall succeed, ought to preserve to every Queen lands, and dominion, and laws, and their ordinances, and to put in government natural persons of those realms.
Finally, that between the said Emperor, the Prince, and his descendants together with their realms, domains, and lands, and between the realms, and domains of the said Queen, there ought to come to be whole, and sincere fraternity, union, and confederation, which to God pleasing, may have to endure perpetually, with each aiding the other, in whatever thing will occur, for the conservation, and augmentation of themselves, of their realms, and of their domains; and that especially following the accord made at Westminster, the year 1542.[110] And the treaty made in Utrech, on 16 January 1546[111]. Given

[105] Refers to a treaty of alliance made between Henry VIII of England and Charles V of Spain for the purpose of making war against France. Henry took an army into France in 1544, but the Spanish famously declined to meet their own obligation to do the same, Charles V being otherwise occupied in the Italian Wars.
[106] A reiteration of the terms of the above treaty.

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These capitulations made, it still appeared to the Queen, and to the Council of England, that mention should be made of all that, by which they desired to oblige the person of the Prince to the satisfaction of that realm: and it was declared in this manner, with conditions nevertheless, that before the consummation of the marriage, he must confirm it with an oath.
That the Prince would not able to grant to any foreigner the administration of any sort of office, or benefice of the realm of England, nor domains to them pertaining, but only [to] persons born under the dominion of the Queen.
That, the said Prince must accept, in every office of his household, a suitable number of nobles, and subjects of the realm of England, and they [must] be treated well, and favorably, not involved, that neither they, nor the subjects of the realm of England should be molested by some other stranger of his household; and if the said strangers persist, they should be chastened, and exiled from his court, and from the realm.
That the Prince will not remove the Queen from the realm of England,

[45b]

except if he having asked her: neither will he conduct the sons, that may be born of this marriage outside [the realm]; but he will allow, that they may be nourished, and raised within the realm, with the hope of the future succession: reserved nevertheless, that a case of necessity may happen to occur, that is an opportunity, which might be pursued; and that the English giving their consent.
That in case, that if the Queen shall decease without any issue, the Prince shall not have any consideration in the said realm, and dependent domains: but he must leave the succession to those to whom it properly awaits following the ordinances, and laws of that realm.
That the Prince will not change anything in the commonwealth itself, that is private, nor already in the laws, and ordinances of the realm, and dependent domains of it, but will confirm, and preserve everything that is [in] its laws, and privileges.
And more, that the said Prince shall not be able to carry, or make to be transported outside of the realm of England the jewels, and other precious things themselves appertaining to the treasury of this realm, nor

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less to alienate anything, that likewise appertains to the said realm of England, nor to allow, that it may be usurped by his subjects, or by others, rather to do that which the realm itself long desires, and especially the fortresses, they may be diligently guarded for the use, and utility of the realm, and of its natural citizens: neither must he even permit, that they may remove the ships, cannons, and other fighting instruments of defense, but to guard them with diligence, and to provide perpetual defense of this realm.
Finally, that, by occasion of the present marriage, the realm of England must not be directly or indirectly involved in the war, that now is between the Emperor and the King of France, rather that said Prince must with every of his abilities seek, that the peace, the which is between the realms of France, and of England, shall be observed, and that no occasion shall be given to break it, because the thing must not arise, by the which it may be able to be understood, that it might be derogated to the contrary, what was finally achieved, the peace, and amity between the said realms; but that

[46b]

how much to the other realms, and patrimonial domains, that Prince remains free to be able to aid the Emperor his father, to defend his lands, in revenge for the injuries received, the very second they appear. The treaties and conventions above-written were already, as I have said above, published, to every quality of persons, and known; the Queen was extremely inclined to take the Prince as husband rather, than any other [one] proposed: for the which thing there were those, that plotted to impede this business with uprisings, persuading themselves, that doing it under pretense of being only against foreigners, for the public good, they were not disobeying the Queen. And among the principal raisers of uprisings were Peter Carew, the other, Thomas Wyatt, the third, the Duke of Suffolk. The which Duke being in the Tower, by commandment of the Queen, and overcoming a grave indisposition, to pleadings of the Duchess his wife, her Majesty freed him from the Tower, placing him under house arrest, but with conditions, that upon any requirement he could be returned to the Tower:

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and he was not thus long outside, and he again had some [time], that he joined himself with the two afore-named, taking charge for his part. They took counsel between them, and they arranged, that they themselves go about the plan secretly, but not themselves make any movement, until the Prince came, the which was expected by the court. Peter Carew, being for this sent into Cornwall, was so incontinent, that he desiring news, [and] without observing the planned date, he revealed himself before the time. The which presented to the Queen, she quickly called for him to be punished, and she fearing if that he might pass into France. All of this known by Wyatt, and he still unsure whether or not he had been discovered, took measures himself, even though he appeared out of time, to make some movement. And so, in the county of Kent, he began to gather many men, and with speed to stir up all that part of the country, putting themselves in order for marching upon London. The which thing the Queen understanding, planned to send against the said Wyatt the Duke of Suffolk with men; and sending for him, they found, that he

[47b]

firmly believing [himself] to be discovered, and having already heard [about] the rising of Wyatt, he had himself ridden with a force of two hundred horse into the county of the Earldom of Warwick; in the which place he had begun anew to proclaim the daughter Queen; and making petition to desire to enter into a city, many principal [men] in that part, confronted his men so that, he was not able to achieve it, neither did his exhortation have any effect: because that the Queen, having learned of his flight, had immediately expedited to that part, where she knew that the Duke traveled: and [the Queen] having declared him a traitor, the Duke finding himself unable to take control of that place acted to protect himself, and his men, and not ever even having the ability still, that he could himself move one man of that country to his claim, he found himself beyond all hope of being able to be useful, or benefit by favor of the treason, and much more so, when he understood, that the Earl of Huntingdon was coming after him, sent by the Queen to impede his plans. The which Earl being a practical man, and even his special enemy[107], he [the Duke of Suffolk] was not able to think

[107] Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk and Francis Hastings, Earl of Huntingdon held family seats adjoining each other in Leicestershire and had long been engaged in an intense rivalry for social and political dominance over that region.

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otherwise; than if he could not have to continue it without some sort of following: and therefore he decided to seek to give surrender to fortune, with the intention of fleeing to unfamiliar [parts] of the realm. Thus, he called to his servants, gave to them whatever money he had, finally asking each of them to obtain some safety for themselves, so that at another better time he might be able to serve them. He excused them without desiring any of them in company, he conducted himself to a worker on one of his possessions [i.e., estates], asking him, that he might desire to conceal him well, that he might flee from the hands of the Earl of Huntingdon. To that the worker responded promising, that he would hide him, and still might secure him more time, without that he [Huntingdon] might know anything. And with this promise he escorted him into a field, where was a woods, that within were many gaps, and therein he might hide him, they promising to bring jugs for to live [i.e., jugs of food and water] every day. But afterward, he thought at more length with respect to the ban, that the Queen had made for everyone to seize the Duke, and hastened more by the knowledge of the reward, he went to find the Earl of Huntingdon, and made him to understand, that he had

[48b]

hidden the Duke. The which Earl came at the same time with him to his lodging, he found that the Duke, being himself nearly two days without having eaten, and almost dead of hunger, and of cold, had left the woods, and come to the house of the worker, and warmed himself. Therefore, overcome by the said Earl, he [the Duke] was made a prisoner, and escorted to London. At this time the Queen, seeing the Duke of Suffolk unable to serve her by sending him against Wyatt, sent the Duke of Norfolk with men, cannons, and munitions of every sort. The which being gone found Wyatt, at last in Rochester, and positioned himself in sight of him with the men; Wyatt put himself in order for combat. At which alerts the men of the Duke, passed to the side of Wyatt all at one time without shame, giving into his hands the cannons, and every other sort of munitions. Which the Duke himself was unable in any way to remedy, still a short while after he was also made prisoner, but nevertheless shortly released by Wyatt. The which [Wyatt] made him [Norfolk] to understand, that if he [Norfolk] wished to be with him [Wyatt] to free the country, that he would be treated very well, having

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always held him as a father: and he [Norfolk] ought purely to desire to return to the Queen, that he was made by him [Wyatt] at her liberty: but that he [Wyatt] asked him [Norfolk], to say to the Queen that [he] did not desire, that the arms [should] be against her, but against the strangers, and in order to maintain the country, and her homeland, in the previous liberty. He was pleased [that] the Duke [should] himself return [to London and the Queen]: and many others returned with him, leaving however every sort of munitions of war, and all the cannons, and the greatest part of the men, who desired to remain with Wyatt. The which not long afterward began to march with a corps of four in [sic] five thousand infantry towards London, with the intention of having so many on his side, that he would not have to need to cover many cuirasses, or other armor, with blood, taking it [London] by easy entrance. But, the Queen understanding he was coming, with everything that she might find herself defenseless, and with little chance of resisting at such short notice, did not accept that, which might show her not [to have a] valorous, and generous spirit, she put the best [effort] to it, that she was able, the army in hand to a strength of 500 men, the most part foreigners, and certain few of the countryside, and to the others

[49b]

a lot of horses. And, the people called thereafter to parliament, she tried to show them all the reasons, that had moved her to take a foreign husband, and the Prince of Spain, and the secureness, that he brought to that realm, making himself able, since no other power was acting to defend them from the King of France, who was himself already master of Scotland, [other] than the Prince of Spain; and that it was not only her opinion, but also [the opinion] of all the Council of England, the which [opinion] was itself that, who for the welfare of the liberty of that realm, had deliberated matters: of the which deliberation she was herself contented, herself believing, that that, which the Council had done, might not itself be able to be to the satisfaction of everyone. For the which thing she asked them, that, as they lovers of themselves, and the country, they might desire to take arms together with her to defend themselves, and the justice against the rebels, the which [were] in violation of that duty, that they owed to their Queen, and of that obligation, that [they] had to the country, they had raised arms, and already approached to remove that authority, that a little while before by their consent, and [the consent] of the Council,

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she had herself been given: and that, like insolent [men], and desirous to do evil, they would not stop themselves in this, but would still remove to them[selves, i.e. the rebels] the goods of their families, the honor of their women, and the lives of many: adding, that, if in this [matter] they did not desire to observe their duty, she hoped, that God, as that one, who had preserved her in much greater fortune, likewise would not abandon her in this. The people themselves listened attentively to the Queen, and, understanding, that the reasons put forward by her, were the pure, and unadulterated truth, began to shout; Long live the Queen, and Long live the Prince of Spain, offering themselves with good will, either to perish their lives, and their goods, or to save her, and themselves. And so courageously gathering arms, they put themselves on alert so as to provide, that Wyatt would not be able harm them: and they gave some orders for that part from whence he came. And among the other provisions they shut the gate, where the bridge passed, leaving a good guard of men: Wyatt not being able to enter by other means, if he did not pass the Thames, a very large river, which he was not able to cross, if not with barges. And likewise

[50b]

guards were placed in other parts of the city, where they judged [there] to be need. In the meantime Wyatt continuing his journey towards London, he arrived at the above said gate; and seeing he was unable to enter, he proposed to go around London about 12 miles, and to try by another part of the city, whether he might be able to enter [there]: and he went, arriving at the land gate[108], towards Westminster, with some small portion of his men. He made petition with courteous words, that they [the guards] might desire to open it, showing them, that they must do it, he being one of them, and that he was there in order to maintain the liberty of that realm, and to defend it from the foreigners; in order that it would not be put in perpetual servitude; as might happen, if they left it to chance in their hands. But for all this his every reason had proven: because finding himself at that gate a guard most faithful to the Queen, he was answered, that they must seek pardon from the Queen: that otherwise neither with men, nor alone was he to enter London; desiring them to live, and to die in service to her Majesty, as every faithful subject ought properly to do

[108] Wyatt’s first attempt had been at the gate on London Bridge, called ‘Bridge Gate’, a ‘water gate’. The ‘land gate’ nearest Westminster, on the west side of London, was Temple Bar in Fleet Street, though Wyatt first approached Ludgate just to the east before retreating back to Temple Bar.

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toward their King. In the meantime, that the said Wyatt had come to the gate with a few men to gain entry, he having left all his men in a meadow near London. But in that way the Earl of Pembroke, aware of the circumstances, went out by another gate, with horsemen, and infantry, and courageously went to attack those men; the which being without a leader, were easily defeated; leaving some dead, many wounded, and [others] taken prisoner. It was to the guard outside the gate, where Wyatt had conducted himself, [that] Courtenay [came] with horsemen; he had orders, not to attack the enemy; and that, if they tried to approach, they should give combat. But he, either from not having any experience in the issues of war, or just knowing it to be better to let them pass, since it was a small company, he finally allowed them to slip through the gate without troubling them, or trying to impede them. So that among many arose the opinion, that he [Wyatt] knew of their plans, and agreed; and being in prison in danger of death, finally so much, Wyatt testified until his death, that this gentleman

[51b]

was not in any fault. Returning to the first account, I say, that the Earl of Pembroke having defeated Wyatt’s men, that had themselves remained for some time at the gate, and Courtenay hearing [about] the escape of them, [and] shouting Murder, Murder, went in [to the city] after the said Wyatt, and his men, and with little killing seized him, and the most part of his [men]; [Wyatt] not having time to save himself, nor to give any sort of aid to his soldiers. So he was escorted to the Tower.[109] The Queen was much exhorted, that she must for her greater security return herself to the Tower, and not await in that place the arrival of Wyatt: but she with indomitable spirit always refused to consent to such cowardice: and it was well: because in a while it[110] was freely made known, and the people filled the street to vilify [Wyatt], as they would have done [to her instead], if she had herself departed. Fixed then with a frank and virile spirit, having about 500 well-armed men, with a large quantity of provisions to defend themselves, making due: instead she made insistence to desire to go in person to fight Wyatt, if she

[109] Here the author has considerably embellished events, and revealed the outcome before relating the events themselves. Wyatt and Pembroke engaged in a small skirmish in St James’s Park on 8 February 1554. Wyatt forced one of Pembroke’s commanders, Sir John Gage, to retreat to safety within the palace gates together with some of his men, which so surprised the occupants within that they shouted ‘Treason! Treason!’ in the mistaken fear that Wyatt had defeated Pembroke’s entire force. Wyatt then advanced east up Fleet Street to Ludgate, where some sources say he sat down to rest for a while. The Earl of Arundel held Ludgate, forcing Wyatt to retreat back down Fleet Street to Temple Bar in the west. Wyatt was then captured not by Courtenay but rather by William Harvey, Norroy Herald of Arms. The extent to which Courtenay was himself actually involved in suppressing Wyatt’s rebellion has seemingly been significantly exaggerated by the author, perhaps in deference to his close blood relationship to Queen Mary.
[110] i.e., Mary’s refusal to seek the safety of the Tower.

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might be allowed. Seeing herself through the windows of the Queen’s palace the men, that Wyatt had left in the fields: and her Majesty going there to see them, reached there in a while, which Pembroke fought them: the which, being as close as one shot of an arquebus, saw dearly the bravery of her soldiers, and the defeat of her enemies, with the victory of Pembroke. And no other end was possible for her Majesty, since the soldiers were led by such good captains, and they fought for the just, and against the enemies of the Catholic faith. From that her Majesty took that joy, that everyone can imagine himself; and finding herself free from such grave danger, she gave thanks to God for such a victory. He found himself, as is said above, the Duke of Suffolk prisoner, and Wyatt, with some other principal men of the realm: so that the Council desiring to see that, that justice [be] decided in regard to them, they began to try them: and in a few days they sentenced the Duke to death, and he was decapitated. In trying Wyatt it appeared, that he was given hope of saving his life, every time that

[52b]

he would reveal any conspirator in the plot; so that he, either [because] it was particularly odious, or because he was made to speak[111], confessed, that Courtenay was informed of everything, and that it was planned, that he should take Elizabeth as wife, and should make himself King. But he spoke falsely, as he himself yet confessed at his death, saying, that all that, which he had said, was itself for his salvation, but that they were not so in truth. I will not leave out to say still, that there were many, that said, that the case of Courtenay was itself of another manner, that is, that, having himself had hope of having as wife the Queen, and seeing thereafter, the negotiation itself to be concluded for the Prince, scorned that, desiring to serve himself, and to show himself in every [way] a servant to Elizabeth. The which thing having given strength [to] that which was suspected, was occasion to imprison both the one and the other. Justice was followed continuously in trying the rebel prisoners: and in a few days they were hung in London two hundred, in such a way, that it was not possible to walk in any street, that that horrendous spectacle of dead men did not have to come before the eyes.

[111] i.e, was tortured.

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It would itself lead to greater murder: but the Queen [being] far from every cruelty, and [being instead] entirely goodness, and pity, stopped the rigorous execution of justice; and of all those, that remained, to some she granted liberty, and part retained in prison. The rising of the Duke of Suffolk, and the new proclamation of the daughter [as] Queen, was cause, that that poor Lady together with the husband, even though it was not known to them, were by justice condemned to die. For which maybe they had been pardoned the first error, as the most clement Queen herself showed already to have decided.[112] This sentence pronounced, a theologian[113] was sent, an able man, so that he might have care to persuade Jane, and remove her from that error, in the which she had lived until now, so that, the body dying, the soul might not perish. The theologian went to visit her, and after some words of ceremony, he began to desire to do as much as he was himself ordered. So that she, having listened to him considerately, responded to him, that he had too much delayed to do such office, and that there was not enough time

[112] Jane and Guildford were tried and convicted of treason on 13 November 1553, and sentenced to die. Queen Mary immediately stayed the sentence with the intention of eventually pardoning them. Wyatt’s Rebellion changed the political situation, however, and Mary was pressured by both the Council and the Spanish to proceed with the executions.
[113] John Howman of Feckenham, known to history as simply ‘John Feckenham’ (ca.1515–1584), a Benedictine monk and Roman Catholic priest who was by February 1554 one of Queen Mary’s personal chaplains and confessors. Feckenham had already earned a reputation for his skill in theological debate during the reign of Edward VI, and had himself spent part of that reign as a prisoner in the Tower on account of his allegiance to Roman Catholicism. He later served from 1556 until 1559 as the last abbot of Westminster Abbey.

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to be able to attend to so many things? By which words, the good man believing himself to be able with a little time to return this Lady to the true path, he thinking to have found her with good disposition [toward being converted], he went himself to find the Queen; and telling her the response of Jane, he begged her to desire to prolong her life for a while; so that he might have time to convert her. The which was granted to him by her Majesty, she making to delay the end by three days. The theologian left to find Jane anew, and he said to her, that to the end, that she might have time to be able to amend herself of her errors, the goodness of the Queen had made to him the grace of prolonging her life three days: and that she [Mary] asked her [Jane] to desire in that time to attend to the welfare of her soul: consoling her to that with all those good reasons, which she had dictated to him of her very goodness matched with much learning. Nonetheless she still appeared to appreciate the offer little, saying to him, that although she might have said those words, she nevertheless did not herself intend, that he must report [her words] to the Queen: rather that whereas she had not

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found out about it [the delay], she had thus abandoned the things of the world, that she had not realized the point of fearing death: but that she was herself prepared to receive it patiently in that manner, that it might most please the Queen: adding it to be well true, that the flesh, as a mortal thing, suffered, but that her spirit was itself joyous, desiring to depart from such made shadows, in order to go up to an eternal light, as she herself hoped for by the simple mercy of God. This Lady was learned of many good letters, both Greek, and Latin, and very knowledgeable of the holy scriptures: and therefore with all the great diligence, that the theologian might use, it was very difficult for him to persuade her of any good thing, it would happen that he with good zeal, and true charity, would not abandon her until the end at the point of death: before which, [he] had her to give good account to the world of her proclamation, and how all was itself done without her consent, and without her desire, she made in this form the following declaration.
Although my fault may be such

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that, without the clemency of the Queen, I would not be able to obtain pardon, nor to ask any forgiveness, having given ear to those, that at that time, were reputed wise, not only by me, but by the greater part of this realm, and now their, and my great harm, and disgrace the contrary has been made known to all, with the desire to give to me that, which was not theirs, nor convenient for me to accept. Therefore [it is] my disgrace to request pardon of one so much beloved. But so I now confess my ignorance that brings me to such an end, if the great mercy of her Majesty does not itself intervene there: so I hope, that, if well my faults are great, at least it will be known [that] not everything was caused by me: because although I may have taken upon me that which was not deigned [to be mine], it cannot itself ever be able to be said that I may have sought it, nor that I may have myself been contented with that. And it is true that, the Duchess of Northumberland having promised to me [regarding] my nights with her son, that she would herself be contented that I might remain in the house with my mother; hearing later, what she said herself publicly, that

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there was no more hope for the life of the King; and saying that the Duke her husband, who likewise was the first that had said [it] to me, she informed me: that I must not leave her house anymore; adding to me, that, when it might please God to call the King to His mercy, the which might itself be soon, that it was necessary, that I should go immediately to the Tower myself, his Majesty having made me heir to the realm. The which words, given to me so suddenly, surely affected my spirit greatly, and they made me astonished, and also aggrieved me much afterwards. And paying little [attention] to this, and giving little account [of it], it did not prevent [me] going to my mother. But the Duchess, herself angered both with her [Jane’s mother], and with me, said, that if she [Jane’s mother] was herself resolved to take me, she ought to likewise take my husband near to herself; to whom I should go afterwards anyway. And because not desiring to disobey her, for three or four days I remained in the house, until finally I obtained leave to go to Chelsea, palace of the Duke of Northumberland. Where a short time afterwards being myself ill, the Council sent the Lady Sidney, my sister-in-law and a daughter of the

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Duke of Northumberland, to summon me; making me to understand that I must go that night itself to Syon, a place of the Duke of Somerset[114], in order to receive that, which the King had ordained for me: in the which place, at our arrival, we did not find any person, but there came a little while afterwards, the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquess of Northampton, the Earl of Arundel, the Earl of Huntingdon, and the Earl of Pembroke: the which were being very restrained, before that they had told me of the death of the King; and mostly the said Huntingdon, and Pembroke, who, making unusual reverence to me, not convenient to my status, kneeling themselves on the floor, made me extremely embarrassed. In the end they made to come where I was, my mother, the Duchess of Northumberland, and the Marchioness of Northampton. The Duke of Northumberland, as president of the Council, announced the death of the King, demonstrating, how many causes they all had to rejoice in the good, and virtuous life, that he had led, and for the good death, that he had made[115]; showing to console himself, and those standing by,

[114] Syon House, in Richmond, is a former Bridgettine monastery that was dissolved in 1539. In 1547 the estate was granted to Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset and Lord Protector to his nephew, King Edward VI. Upon Somerset’s fall from power and execution late in 1551, John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, took possession of Syon House for himself. Following Dudley’s execution in 1553, Syon again became a Crown estate and remained so until it was granted to Henry Percy, 9th Earl of Northumberland in about 1604. It has remained with the Percy family ever since, being now in the possession of Ralph Percy, 12th Duke of Northumberland (in the third creation, 1766).
[115] ‘Making a good death’, or dying with dignity, was held in high regard in the sixteenth century.

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that at the end of his life he had had great care for his realm, asking our Lord God that He might guard it from opinions contrary to His, and that He might free it from his no-good sisters[116], the same Duke noting, that the said Majesty had well considered an act of Parliament, on which he had already decided, that however he might desire to recognize Mary, or Elizabeth [her] sister, for inheritance to the Crown, they were held traitors, Mary having remained disobedient to King Henry her father, and even the same to himself [Edward], and principally a main enemy of the word of God, and both bastards: and that for that [i.e., those reasons] he did not desire to intend, that they should ever be his heirs; but he desired to disinherit them in every way; and for that, before his death, he had commanded the Council, and compelled it, for the honor, that they owed to him, for the love, that they bore for the realm, and for the charity, that he himself gave to the country, that they must obey his wish, and to make it have effect: that Duke adding more, that I was the heir named by his Majesty, and that my sisters had to

[116] ‘non buone sorelle’

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succeed me, in case that I should die without issue, born legitimately of me. At the which words all those Lords of the Council knelt themselves down, saying, that they rendered to me that honor, which was itself convenient to me, being of the direct line; and that in every way they desired to observe that, which they had promised, with willingness to spill [their] blood for that, and to perish their own lives. So that I, having heard this, how much I remained outside of me, and stunned, I will leave it to those, that were present to make faith [i.e., testify], the which heard by me I fell to the floor weeping, and [it] gravely pained me. And, showing myself insufficient to those Lords, I grieved with the fact of the death of so noble a Prince, and at last I turned to God, asking him, that, if that, which had been given to me, was rightly mine, he might desire to give me grace, that I would be able to govern in His service, and the usefulness of this realm. The following day, as everyone knows, I was escorted to the Tower: a little while afterward, the jewels were given to me, by My Lord, the high treasurer[117]; with the which was also brought to me the crown, without that it was demanded of him

[117] William Paulet (ca.1483–1572), after 1550 1st Earl of Wiltshire and after 1551 1st Marquess of Winchester. Paulet rose steadily through the various offices of the royal household, becoming Lord High Treasurer in 1551. He remained in that office until his death.

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in my name, and he desired, that I might put it on my head, in order to prove, whether it stayed on me well. The which refusing, he said to me, that there would be as well one in order to crown my husband. The which words I heard with great dislike to me: and after the departure of the said My Lord, I was with my husband, and of that[118] I discussed with him much, that I reduced him to consent, that, if he must be made King, it should be done by me, and by way of the Parliament. Afterwards I commanded to be called the Earl of Arundel, and the Earl of Pembroke, and I told them, that, when the crown came to me, it was resolved by me not to wish to make my husband King, nor ever to consent to it: but that it contented me to make him a Duke. The which being related to his mother, she angered herself with me in every way, and persuaded her son, that he should not sleep with me anymore: the which he obeyed, declaring to me that he did not desire to be a Duke, but King. Thus I knowing, that the following morning by order of the mother he had to go to Syon, I was forced, as lady, and loving of my husband, to send to the Earl of Arundel, and the Earl of Pembroke, that they should

[118] i.e., the Council’s plan to make Guildford King.

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work [it] so that he should come to me, which they did. And so I was deceived by the Duke, and by the Council, and ill treated by my husband, and by his mother. Beyond that, as is itself the fame, Gates has confessed, that he was the first to push upon the King, to make me his heir. In the rest, I know not that which the Council might have determined to do; but I know well for certain that two times I was myself poisoned, the first in the house of the Duchess of Northumberland, and the other when in the Tower. Came the day of her death, and that of the husband, he, that was the first that should die, desiring to give her the last kisses, and the last embrace, asked her, that she might be contented, that he might go to see her. And she responded to him, that, if the sight of them [i.e., each other] might have given comfort to their souls, more gladly she would be contented to see him; but that, she finding that their sight would increase the misery in both, and bring much more suffering, it was best for now to forego that act, later then in a brief time they would see [each other] in another part, and live perpetually joined in an indissoluble bond. On the ordained day the husband

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was publicly beheaded. For her the axe was prepared in the Tower: before she was escorted to the which, she was requested by the governor of the Tower[119], to leave to him some memorial of her, by that pressing to him the many affections, which he carried for her.[120] And she, making to give of herself a small book, wrote three sentences there, one Greek, one Latin, and one English, the which were in this substance. The Greek was thus. Death will exact upon my body the penalty for the error, but my soul will justify my innocence before the presence of God. The Latin said, If justice has a claim on my body.[sic] my soul will have [a claim] on the mercy of God. The English. The error is worthy of death, but the manner of my ignorance must merit pity and be excusable by the world, and the laws. Escorted then, to where her life must end, and reaching the foot of the scaffold, she turned to those men who were present, and greeted all, asking everyone with piteous, and noble aspect to desire to believe that her death was born of her innocence: and near at hand the theologian, the which, even though he might not have

[119] Sir John Bridges (1492–1557), created Baron Chandos in April 1554. Bridges was Lieutenant of the Tower until June 1554, when he resigned the post to his younger brother Thomas.
[120] i.e., that she might by some gift offer reciprocation to him for the great affection he had for her.

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been able to produce some fruit, had never abandoned her, embraced her, saying to her, go, that our Lord God may there fulfill your every desire: and know [that you are] always infinitely thanked for the company, that you have given me; I was much more troubled by that which might happen, [but] that now death does not frighten me. And mounting the scaffold, she removed the cap by herself, before covering the eyes herself, and placed the head upon the block, by the executioner, regarding her with much compassion, she was removed at the bust. The marriage of the Queen with the Prince was already agreed at this time: the which on the 19th of July, [in] the year 1554 he appeared in sight of England, at the port of Southampton[121], being precisely a year, since the Queen herself was proclaimed. The fleet, that had [come] along with his Majesty, was to the number of eighty large ships, and forty caravels, that is vessels of less greatness. They were there then eighteen of the Queen, and as many from Flanders, the which were themselves always near shore, securing the route. Being at the said port of Southampton were, in order

[121] The author calls it simply ‘Antona,’ or ‘Hampton.’

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to go to receive his Highness, the below written Lords, My Lord Paget[122], the Earl of Rutland[123], My Lord Privy Seal[124], the Earl of Arundel, My Lord Bridgewater[125], [and] the high treasurer. All these were of the Council, and had the Order of the Garter. And also there were My Lord Strang[126], My Lord Maltravers[127], My Lord Windso[128], made gentlemen by command of his Highness. The Comte de Noaille[129], the Ambassador of his Highness[130], together with the aforesaid Lords, being themselves sent to Southampton by the Queen, so as to meet his Highness. The morning of the 20th of the month, which was a Thursday, they boarded a ship covered in black, and white canvas, with a seat covered in brocade; and escorted by 20 men, that rowed, dressed in green, and white, the Queens colors, they went to seek the Prince, accompanied by twenty other ships, all covered with red cloth; which had been sent by order of the Lord Chamberlain, as high steward to his Highness, who gave him such office. These joined the fleet, they presented themselves to the Prince,

[122] William Paget (1506–1563), styled 1st Baron Paget after 1549, a successful career bureaucrat during the reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Jane, and Mary.
[123] Henry Manners (1526–1563), 2nd Earl of Rutland.
[124] John Russell (1485–1555), after 1549 styled 1st Earl of Bedford. Russell served as Lord Privy Seal, or keeper of the privy seal, from 1542 until his death.
[125] ‘Milord Ponsguitar’. ‘Pons’ is Latin for ‘bridge’, while ‘guatir’ is an Italian phonetic spelling of the English word ‘water’. Yet Henry Daubney, 1st Earl of Bridgewater, had died without issue in 1548, rendering the title extinct. It is therefore unclear who is indicated here.
[126] Henry Stanley (1531–1593), who as the eldest son of an Earl of Derby held in his own right by writ of acceleration the title Baron Strange. In February 1554, Henry Stanley married Lady Margaret Clifford, daughter of Eleanor Brandon and therefore Jane Grey’s first cousin. Henry’s great-great-grandfather the 8th Baron Strange and 1st Earl of Derby had been the second husband of Lady Margaret Beaufort, and thus stepfather to King Henry VII.
[127] Henry Fitzalan (1512–1580), who as the eldest son of an Earl of Arundel held in his own right by writ of acceleration the title Baron Maltravers.
[128] William Windsor (1498–1558), 2nd Baron Windsor of Bradenham.
[129] Antoine (1504–1562), 1st Comte de Noailles and French ambassador to England between 1553 and 1556. The author styles de Noailles ‘il Marchese’, the Marquess, though he was in fact a comte, the French equivalent of an English earl. The Ambassades of Antoine and his brother François offer an additional eyewitness account to many of the events described in this Historia.
[130] Simon Renard (1513–1573), Spanish Ambassador in England until he was dismissed by Philip in 1554.

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by whom they were received joyfully; and the owed reverences made, and explaining to him how they had commission from the Queen, they invited his Highness aboard the ship; who entered, together with the Duke of Alba[131], Great High Steward, Lord Ruy Gomez de Silva[132], Lord Chamberlain, the Lord Don Antonio de Toledo[133], Master of the Horse, and the Lord Don Pedro Lopez, High Steward, that had come there to Southampton. Arriving at the waterstair, they went ashore: where they introduced to him infinitely other Lords, and gentlemen of that realm; [who] greeted his Highness with most humble reverence: and all the cannons of that place were fired: and here Sir Anthony Browne was made Master of the Horse to his Majesty, a spotted Arabian horse was presented [to him], garnished with furnishings of crimson velvet, embroidered with gold, and pearls, with the caparison likewise of crimson velvet, with the same embroidering of gold, and pearls, truly very rich, and most beautiful. Mounted on horse, he [Philip] went to the church: and, having made his prayers, he was escorted to a

[131] Don Fernando Álvarez de Toledo y Pimentel (1507–1582), 3rd Duke of Alba, who in 1554 was the supreme commander of Spanish and Imperial forces in Italy.
[132] Don Ruy Gomez da Silva (1516–1573) was a Portuguese noblemen attached to the household of Prince Philip. Da Silva would later hold the Neapolitan title Prince of Eboli and the Spanish title Duke of Pastrana and Estremera.
[133] Son of the Duke of Alba and himself Lord Admiral of Castile.

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palace, that they had made ready with orders of very beautiful red, and gold silk. In his chamber he had a hanging of crimson and white damask, with flowers[134] of gold woven in, and these words, Henricus Dei gratia Angliæ, Franciæ, et Iberniæ Rex, defensor fedei, et caput supremum Ecclesiæ.[135] With a canopy in the chamber, of crimson velvet, embroidered with gold, and pearls. The attire of his Highness was such. Stockings of raw silk, with shoes of velvet, embroidered with silver, and a doublet in the style of a collar, likewise embroidered, and over [all] a short cloak of simple black velvet; a cap decorated with certain small chains of gold, with a little feather inserted; at the collar a chain of gold set with diamonds, not very large, with the Order of the Garter on the leg, which these Lords had presented to him in the name of the Queen; which was embellished with many diamonds of great value. He dismounted to the palace, [and] was not himself seen again for that day; but afterwards there was seen an infinite number of Spanish Lords disembarking, that

[134] i.e., fleur-de-lis.
[135] Latin: ‘Henry by the grace of God King of England, of France, and of Ireland, defender of the faith, and Supreme Head of the English Church’. The hanging was clearly a relic of a somewhat earlier reign, retained for its intrinsic monetary value rather than for its symbolic relevance.

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dressed most suitably, came to their lodgings. The evening was filled with many bonfires, the firing of many cannons, and an infinite number of banners were hung on the walls [outside houses and buildings]. The following day, which was Friday, his Highness went to Mass, accompanied by many Lords of the realm, to whom [the Prince] showed himself grateful, and courteous. It is true, that he was noted to be proud, never having removed the cap from his person. On Saturday he went likewise to Mass, in a heavy rain. And on this day the Bishop of Winchester came to pay homage to him, accompanied by fifty six gentlemen, all with chains of gold around their necks, and dressed in black velvet, with edging of gold all around; and one hundred other Lords dressed in black cloth, with edging of gold, and on the left sleeves his arms[136]: the which [Bishop] entered alone into the chamber of the Prince, without displaying any other ceremony. This day her Excellency the Duchess of Alba disembarked from the same ships of the Queen, accompanied by forty gentlemen: and when she was ashore, she was carried in a seat[137] of black velvet by her

[136] i.e., the heraldic arms of the Bishop of Winchester, indicating that the wearers were part of the Bishop’s official entourage. The number of persons any individual could ‘put in livery’ was governed by law, so that such public displays of numerous followers wearing the same livery or arms symbolized the relative status of the individual to whom the livery belonged. The arms of Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, were those of the See of Winchester, i.e., Gules, two keys addorsed in bend, the uppermost Argent, the other Or, a sword interposed between them in bend sinister of the second, hilted and pummeled of the third, impaling those of Gardiner, i.e., Azure, on a cross Or, four griffins’ heads erased Argent, a cinquefoil gules, pierced to the second.
[137] i.e., a sedan chair.

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gentlemen. On the Sunday morning, his Highness having dispatched Lord Ruy Gomez to the Queen, with a present of jewels, which exceeded the value of one hundred thousand ducats[138], he himself went to Mass, dressed likewise; and returned to the house, he dined in public, served by the officials, that the Queen had given to him, to the dissatisfaction of the Spanish: the which, doubting that the situation could last long, whispered greatly among themselves. At this time many Lords of the realm appeared continually, that came to the court, who were accompanied by two hundred men [on foot], and by three hundred horsemen. On Monday morning, in a rain, and with a strong wind, the goods and baggage began to take to the road, towards the court of the Queen, that was residing in Winchester, a walled city, and [was] twelve miles distant from Southampton. This morning the Earl of Pembroke himself arrived, with 250 horsemen: among which were eighty gentlemen, dressed in black velvet, with four strands of gold, which made stripes; and a large chain of gold at the neck. The others were dressed in cloth, with the same strands of gold, and

[138] The ducat was a gold coin first minted by the Republic of Venice beginning in the 1200s. Originally called a zecchino, or sequin, it weighed 3.5 grams and was greater than 98% pure. The Venetian ducat was, by the sixteenth century, the standard coin of the Holy Roman Empire. In contrast, the English gold sovereign issued early in the reign of Mary I weighed 13 grams but was only 92% pure. Marian gold sovereigns had a value of 30 shillings, or 1.4 pounds. Despite the differences in size and gold purity, one Venetian or Imperial ducat was the equivalent of one English pound.

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the arms embroidered on the sleeve. His Highness having dined so that he would be ready for the trumpets[139], and about one hundred archers on horse, with bows, and quivers took to the road; dressed in yellow cloth, edged with red velvet, with cords of white and red silk, which were the colors of the Prince: and the horsemen were dispatched idly without orders, which reached the number of four thousand. [When] The hour came that his Highness desired to mount a horse, twelve Arabian horses were presented to him by Sir Anthony Browne, in the name of the Queen; the which were trimmed with harnesses of black velvet; and with golden bridles, and equally with golden reins. His Highness rode upon one of them. The others were distributed to the principal Lords, for themselves to ride until [they reached] the court. The prince was on a spotted Arabian horse, with simple harnesses of black velvet: and since it was raining heavily, he had a red felt around him, and on his head a small cap of black taffeta. Departing two miles from Southampton, he was joined by a waiting gentlemen, and, he presented to the Prince, in the name of the Queen, a small ring, [and] he asked him, that beause of the bad

[139] i.e., the trumpets announcing the official ceremonial departure of the Prince.

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time [i.e., weather], which was, he must not go further. At the which words his Highness stopped himself. And he knew himself with certainty, that he had that inclination [to stop until the weather cleared]; and he immediately summoned the Duke of Alba, and the Lieutenant d’Bremont[140], Ambassador of the Emperor, and they began to speak together, when an English Lord, noticing that, put himself before [them], and said in French. Sire, [as] our Queen loves your Highness, she would not desire that you should take the trouble of traveling in such unhappy times. Then his Highness rejected the argument, and began anew to march forward: where he paused a little while to join an English gentleman on horse, that had a long rod in his hand, and said to the King, in Latin, that he had the governance of that region, which his Highness traveled; and that he requested leave to do his office. The which conceded to him, that man raised the rod up high, walking ahead with hat in hand: and so being gone perhaps one mile, always raining, the Prince made him to understand, that he should cover himself. Arriving one mile from Winchester, his Highness was

[140] The original reads ‘d’Amon’, seemingly a phonetic spelling of ‘d’Aumont’. Yet Aumont was a duchy in the Picardy region of northern France. Because Spain was then at war with France, the author must have confused the individual’s name. He undoubtedly means Simon Renard (see note 130 above), whose aristocratic title was Lord d’Bermont, derived from a small region within the Duchy of Burgundy. Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Spain (as Charles II) was also Duke of Burgundy, the latter then being a possession of the Holy Roman Empire.

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met by two knights with six pages of the Queen, dressed in cloth of gold, and crimson, quartered, mounted on large Friesians[141] all covered similarly. At the gate were eight leading officials of the realm, dressed in gowns of scarlet, so long they reached the feet; with a stole in velvet at the neck, that made reverence to his Highness, and swore fidelity to him. Entering inside without other firing of cannons, he was encircled by 12 grooms of the Queen, dressed in red, with her [heraldic] arms on the chest, of gold; and escorted to a palace, not too richly decorated, nor very far from that of the Queen; and he immediately changed his clothes, he appeared with white stockings and doublet, embroidered with silver, and a gown of black velvet, garnished with diamonds; and he went directly to the Cathedral: where he found the Bishop of Winchester, who [was] in episcopal attire, accompanied by many other priests, singing the ‘Te Deum’, he received him: and having made his prayers, he returned to his lodgings; giving orders for the marriage ceremony, that he had to make himself the day of [the Feast of] St. James[142]; and ordering, that the four thousand Spanish, [who] came

[141] Friesian: a very large breed of horse originating in the Netherlands, specifically Friesland. Always black in color with long manes, tails that often reach to the ground, and long hair over the hooves.
[142] The Feast of St James the Greater, a favorite saint among the Spanish. The feast is celebrated on 25 July.

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on the fleet, without touching land in that realm, should be escorted to Flanders, which they were. The which thing done to keep content all those in the realm, like those, that ill-wished strangers to come into their home. Eighty jennets[143] disembarked afterwards, as beautiful as nature can make, and about four hundred other particular Lords; [and] jokers, and infinite madmen; [and] unmarried women: because of the embarkation, which they had done, an announcement went out, that, [on] penalty [of] the galley, if they did not remove themselves from there.[144] Came the day of St James, on the which [day] the marriage ceremony must be celebrated, in the Cathedral of Winchester, [there] was made in this Cathedral an avenue of wood, the which commenced at the door, and ended in the choir. It rose six levels: and it was eight feet wide, and sixty long; blocked along every side; at the end of which was a plaza, made entirely of wood, of greatness 30 feet on every side; and in the middle of that was seen a platform blocked [all] around, that ascended four levels, each covered with red skirts, and on the floor [covered] with tapestry. The high altar was towards this

[143] Jennet: A Spanish breed of small horse with a smooth gait, used for light riding; now extinct.
[144] A rather complex and confusing sentence, but the author seems to be saying that too many of the incidental passengers of the fleet went ashore without permission, forcing the Prince to order them back to the ships, with the penalty for failing to reboard being exile to the galleys. The author is at pains to demonstrate that the Prince was making a sincere effort to address the anti-Spanish concerns so pervasive among the English.

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place: and came the hour to go to Mass, his Highness departed from the palace, accompanied by 100 halberdiers, dressed in his livery, and by sixty Lords, and Spanish knights, as well, and richly dressed, as [any] man would be able to imagine; there were not any of them, that did not have embroidery of gold, or silver, of great richness, besides which were many that had goldwork around [the neck], and infinite jewels; nor were there any of them, that had fewer [than] ten or twenty servants, dressed in the very best livery; of which I will choose two or three from there. Those of the Admiral of Castile[145], were forty servants all with cloaks of morel velvet, lined with yellow satin, with two bands of cloth of gold. Those of the Marquis of Pescara[146], were 12 servants with outfits of black velvet with four braids of gold, that made stripes, with cloaks embellished with velvet, with the same stripes. Those of the Duke of Alba were of deep blue velvet, with stripes of the same, with filets of pink satin, and white, along every stripe of the sash. Those

[145] Don Antonio de Toledo, son of the Duke of Alba.
[146] Francesco Ferdinando d’Ávalos d’Aquino (1530–1571), 5th Marquis of Pescara and of Vasto, and Great Chamberlain of the Kingdom of Naples. Pescara was in 1554 part of the Kingdom of Naples, of which the Emperor Charles V was king.

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of the Duke of Medina[147] were yellow, white, and black; the cloth yellow, the velvet stripes in waves, with certain small fringe of white silk, that made a beautiful show; and they were around forty. His Majesty accompanied by this such honored company of knights, and by many other English Lords, very well attired, himself arrived at the church, which was around mid day; and he went up on the platform, he walked end to end; and coming to the center of the platform, there he found two canopies, one to the right hand, for her Majesty the Queen, with an altar in the middle, the other to the left, for his Highness, with an altar likewise in the middle, and a throne; in the which his Highness was able to seat himself, taking with him [as he walked end to end] the entire company of the Ambassadors, each according to his degree, which were these, the Lieutenant d’Bremont for the Emperor, Don Pietro Lasso for the King of the Romans[148], Don Hernando Gamboa for the King of Bohemia[149], the Lord Giovanni of the house Micheli[150] for the Signoria of Venice[151], the Bishop of Cortona[152] for the Lord Duke of Florence[153]. And there were still some other English

[147] Juan Alfonso Pérez de Guzmán y de Guzmán-Zúñiga (1502–1558), 6th Duke of Medina Sidonia. Juan Alfonso’s grandson, the 7th Duke, would later command the Spanish Armada of 1588.
[148] Ambassador of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V in his capacity as King of the Romans.
[149] Ambassador of Ferdinand I, King of Bohemia and younger brother of Charles V. Bohemia consisted of lands that equate roughly to the modern Czech Republic. Ferdinand was also King of Hungary.
[150] Giovanni Micheli served as ambassador in England throughout much of the reign of Mary I.
[151] The Signoria was the supreme governing body of the Republic of Venice. It consisted of the Doge (an aristocrat elected to govern for life), the Minor Council of six advisors to the Doge, and the three leaders of the Quarantia, or supreme tribunal. Venice was at that time closely allied with Spain and the Holy Roman Empire, the latter two together being principal combatants in the Italian War of 1551–1559 fought against France for control of the Italian peninsula.
[152] Giovambattista Ricasoli (d. 1572), Cardinal-Bishop of Cortona from 1538 to 1560.
[153] Cosimo de’Medici (1519–1574), whose wife was the Spanish noblewoman Eleonora of Toledo, daughter of Pedro Álvarez de Toledo y Zúñiga (d. 1553), the former Spanish Viceroy of the Kingdom of Naples.

[64b]

knights, and Spanish [knights]. Not long afterward, the Queen appeared on the same platform, who herself came accompanied most superbly by all the Lords of the realm, well attired in garments, with gold and jewels: and arriving at the canopies set up for them, she entered under, [and] immediately began to pray. Soon the Bishop of Winchester, being dressed pontifically, arrived with five other Bishops atop the dais, which was in the middle of the large platform, and they mounted upon there with the said Bishop, the King following afterward, and the Queen, and all the personages, that found themselves at this marriage for the Emperor, which were, the Lieutenant d’Bremont, Ambassador in Ordinary[154] in that realm; Monsieur de Courrieres[155], Monsieur d’Ayamonte[156]; for the Queen My Lord Fitzwalter[157], and My Lord Privy Seal[158]: the which had been sent [as] Ambassadors to Spain, for the confirmation of the [marriage] treaty; entering also on the said platform the High Chamberlai[159] of the Queen; an elderly man, and of great authority. All the other knights, and Lords remained outside of that

[154] An ambassador appointed from a given realm or country to serve for an indefinite term on a broadly defined mission, as opposed to Ambassadors Extraordinary who serve for a very limited term and a very narrowly defined mission.
[155] Philip de Montmorency (ca.1525–1568), Count of Horn and Lord of Courrieres, a very wealthy Netherlandish nobleman who served as Chamberlain to the Emperor Charles V and Imperial Ambassador in England. He was executed in 1568 for resisting both Spanish rule over the Netherlands and the introduction there of the Spanish Inquisition, though he was himself Roman Catholic.
[156] Perhaps Juan Carlos Pérez de Guzmán y Aragón (d. 1556), son of the Duke of Medina, who may have held the courtesy title Lord of Ayamonte, itself one of the many titles attached to the Duchy of Medina.
[157] Thomas Radclyffe (ca. 1525–1583), created Baron Fitzwalter in August 1553, and who had served as one of Queen Mary’s principal negotiators for her marriage to Prince Philip. Thomas was a second cousin of Queen Mary and, ironically, a first cousin of Mary’s nemesis, Anne Boleyn. Thomas succeeded his father as Earl of Sussex in 1557, going on to serve in numerous high offices under Elizabeth I.
[158] See note 124 above.
[159] Sir John Gage (1479–1556), who was also Constable of the Tower of London. He had been temporarily removed from that latter office by John Dudley for refusing to support the accession of Queen Jane, but was immediately restored by Queen Mary.

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place, the King, the Queen, and the Bishop of Winchester stood in the higher part; and before the ceremony came, either in words, or in actions, the Regent Figueroa[160] presented to the King, with a privilege of his Majesty Charles, to the which he gave to the said King the title of King of Naples, with all its dignities, depriving himself [Charles] of every sort of dominion, public matters, as well as private; and freely renouncing it.[161] The which privilege was read by the said Bishop, and afterwards declared to the people in English words. And finally that it had, he added, that the matrimonial contract between those two Monarchs had itself so far been completed only with words of intent, since the treaty had already been passed, by the hand of his Majesty Charles: the which [treaty] having in hand he [i.e., the Bishop of Winchester] showed, and read in English, and he turned himself to the King saying to him, that he must desire to confirm anew with his mouth the said treaty; which he did. He turned himself thereafter to the Queen: the which was as well confirmed, as she, and the Council had promised. And this act finished, the Bishop said to the King, and the Queen [that they] were themselves found in that place in order to conclude the marriage: and since it was necessary,

[160] Juan de Figueroa, Regent of the Collateral Council, the highest authority under the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V in the Kingdom of Naples.
[161] The Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, who was also King of Naples, abdicated that lesser title in favor of his son as a wedding present to the couple, making Philip a King in his own right in the moments before he married the Queen of England.

[65b]

that marriages should be free, and without impediments, he made all to understand, that, if there were some, that knew that the said marriage was not able to proceed, for whatever respect or relationship, or pretension, that some might have there, or by other occasion, he should bring himself forward, that he may be heard most lovingly, at which words, every person was heard to shout, fiat, fiat, nullus est.[162] Then the said Bishop turned himself to the King, and said, Philip vis habere Marian in uxorem, et illam custodire, et amare in omnem eventum paupertatis, aut mairoris status, et prosper valetudinis, aut aliquot morbo affecta, et renunciare commercium aliarum mulierum, dando in potestate sua corpus and omne regnum tuum?[163] To which the King responded yes, and that in sign of his faith he gave that, taking a handful of coins of gold, and of silver, that the Lord Ruy Gomez gave to him, and placing them on an open missal, which that Bishop held in one hand. The Bishop turned to the Queen saying to her, Maria vis habere Philippum in maritum[164], continuing as above. The which she accepted, saying

[164] Latin: Do it! Do it! There is nothing!
[164] Latin: Philip will you have Mary as wife, and keep her, and love her in any event of poverty, or of better status, and of good health, or of affliction by any illness, and renounce intercourse with any other women, surrendering to her body your power and all your kingdom?
[165] Latin: Mary, will you have Philip in marriage?

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yes, taking those coins, that the King had placed on the missal, she put them in a purse, and gave it to that lady, that had carried the train. Then the King presented rings to him: the which that, having been blessed by the Bishop, the Queen took, and, the Great Chamberlain taking her hand, she was married. That done, the King, the Queen, and the Ambassadors went, in the same order, in which they had arrived in that place, to the high altar, and every of them sat under a canopy of gold brocade, the King to the left, and the Queen to the right of the altar, the Mass itself began, sung by the Bishop of Winchester, and served by the other five, which were the Bishop of Chester[166], that of Lincoln[167], Salisbury[168], Ely[169], and, if I am not wrong, the Bishop of Durham.[170] And the peace handed out[171], the King arose from his place, and went to find the Queen, and gave the peace to her with a kiss: which thing is said to be the custom: thereafter, the celebrant having communed, itself done at the foot of the altar, four heralds, dressed in cloaks identical to those that the King used to wear, one of them published the titles of the King, and of the Queen in the Latin language, in the

[166] George Cotes (d.1556), newly appointed in 1554 to replace John Bird, who had been deprived on account of his being married.
[167] Dr John White (1510–1560), consecrated April 1554, translated to Bishop of Winchester in 1556, deprived and imprisoned under Elizabeth I. White had replaced the Edwardian Protestant Bishop John Taylor, who was himself imprisoned in the Tower by Mary, dying there in December 1554.
[168] John Capon, a.k.a. John Salcott (d.1557). Capon/Salcott is unusual in that he was consecrated Bishop of Salisbury in 1539 under Henry VIII and Henrician Catholicism, retained his office throughout Edward VI’s reign and the Edwardian phase of the Protestant Reformation, and then continued without interruption after Mary returned the English church to Roman Catholicism.
[169] Thomas Thirlby (1500–1570), previously Bishop of Westminster (1540–1550) and Norwich (1550–1554), deposed in 1559 by Elizabeth I.
[170] Cuthbert Tunstall (1474–1559), consecrated Bishop of Durham in 1530, deprived and imprisoned in 1551 for his opposition to the Edwardian religious reforms, restored in April 1554. Deprived and imprisoned in 1559 under Elizabeth I.
[171] The rite of peace, a point in the Roman Catholic Mass, usually immediately before the communion, at which individual members of the congretation are invited to offer a sign of peace to their neighbors. In the early modern English setting, this sign of peace was usually a kiss.

[66b]

French [language], and in the English [language], saying, Philippus et Maria Dei gratia Angliæ, Franciæ, Neapolis, Hierusalem, et Hiberniæ Rex et Regina, fidei defensores, Hispaniarum, et Siciliæ Princepes, Archduces Austriæ, Duces Mediolani, Burgundiæ, et Brabantiæ, Comites Auspergiæ, Flandriæ, et Tirolis, testibus nobis apud Deum, annis nostrorum regnorum primo et secundo.[172] Since the Mass was finished, they gave to the Queen biscuits and hippocras[173], and according to the customs the King and Queen drank, and to those principal Lords and ladies. A little while thereafter their Majesties withdrew from under their canopies, they departed under another of cloth of gold, carried by the principal Lords of the realm, and [they were] escorted to the palace, the King having the Queen always at his right hand. And they were thus dressed. The Queen was dressed in the French style, with a gown of ‘riccio sopra riccio’ velvet brocade[174], with a long train, embroidered all over with large pearls, and with diamonds of great size. On the turn-back of the sleeves was very nearly a tangle of gold, embroidered with pearls, and with diamonds; the hat with two borders

[172] Latin: Philip and Mary by the grace of God of England, France, Naples, Jerusalem, and Ireland King and Queen, Defenders of the Faith, Princes of Spain and Sicily, Archdukes of Austria, Dukes of Milan, Burgundy, and Brabant, Counts of Artois, Flanders, and Tyrol, as witnesses for us before God, in the first and second years of our reigns.
[173] Hippocras: wine mixed with sugar and spices, usually cinnamon.
[174] A cut, voided velvet that has been brocaded and features closely-packed bouclé weft motifs. For an illustration, see riccio sopra riccio (opens in a new window).

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of large diamonds: and on the chest she wore the most honored diamond, and of so much value, which had been given to the King by the Marquis de Noailles, when his Majesty was in Spain. The under-dress was of white satin, embroidered with silver; the stockings of scarlet; the shoes of black velvet. A principal lady of the realm, dressed in cloth of gold, carried part of the train, the other part [was carried by] a certain Sir Gage[175], a man of age, and that at other times was himself a guardian of the Tower. The King was dressed in a gown of same ‘riccio sopra riccio’, with an embellishment of very large pearls, and of diamonds; with a doublet, and stockings of white satin; embroidered with silver; at the neck a circlet of beaten gold, all filled with large diamonds, with the Order of the Golden Fleece[176] under [i.e, suspended from it], and at the knee the Garter, garnished with most beautiful jewels. Arrived at the palace, they were in a large hall, finished with gold satin, and silk, the table prepared for dinner, in the middle of which [hall] was a dais, so eminent, that it ascended four levels, on the which dais was set the table of the King, and of the Queen. At the foot of the dais were six long tables,

[175] See note 159 above.
[176] The Order of the Golden Fleece was founded in 1430 by the Duke of Burgundy. The King of Spain was Sovereign of the Order from 1477 until 1700. Thereafter, and continuing to the present, the King of Spain was and is Sovereign of only the Spanish branch of the Order, while the Austrian branch took the Austro-Hungarian Emperor as its Sovereign. The order is similar in prestige to the English Order of the Garter, and there is significant member cross-over between the two. The collar, unchanged in design since the 15th century, can be seen here (opens in new window).

[67b]

for the ladies, and the English Lords, and the Spanish [Lords]. The food came, the King, and the Queen seated themselves at the table, and the Bishop of Winchester by himself, at a great distance from them, but at an identical table: which was noted with great favor. All these tables were served at the same time as that of the King, and very orderly. That of his Majesty was itself served with gilded vessels, all the others with plain silver. There was seen in that hall a sideboard of large vessels, of gold, and silver gilt, that reached the number of ninety six: they were not ever used, serving only for grandness. In the other end of the hall, in a high balcony, there stood the most excellent musicians, the which, while the banquet lasted, played continuously with various arrangements of instruments, and with marvelous sweetness. In the midst of the eating appeared a company of four heralds, dressed in royal cloaks; the which made a Latin congratulatory speech, in the name of the realm, of that holy matrimony. In a while, the end of the feast approaching, His Majesty the King made a toast to all the Lords

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of the Council, and to the other English Lords, and the Queen to all the Spanish Lords. The which being made to the one, and the other, from a very good heart, it was ended; and risen from the table, they went in to spend the day, and part of the night in dance: where the courteous, and well appointed knights, when presented to those gentle ladies, carried [them] to various places, desiring mainly to make love to them.

THE END

IN THE VENETIAN
ACADEMY,
1558.

Notes:

[1] The dedicatee is Margaret (1522–1586), illegitimate daughter of Charles V, King of Spain and Holy Roman Emperor, by his mistress Johanna Maria van der Ghenyst. Charles V allowed Margaret to assume the imperial name ‘Margaret of Austria’, though the name carried no royal or noble title. Margaret wed Alessandro de’ Medici in 1536, becoming Duchess of Florence, but was widowed in the following year. She married Ottavio Farnese in 1538, thereby becoming Duchess of Parma. Though multilingual, as an Italian duchess-consort her preferred language became Italian. She was appointed Governor of the Spanish Netherlands in 1559 by her half-brother King Phillip II of Spain, himself the surviving husband of Queen Mary Tudor of England. Margaret served as Governor of the Spanish Netherlands until 1567, when she retired to Italy. She died in Italy in 1586 and was survived by one son, Alessandro Farnese, Duke of Parma and Piacenza. This book was dedicated to Margaret in both her capacity as Governor of the Spanish Netherlands and as half-brother of the King of Spain, the latter also holding the Italian titles of King of Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia, Duke of Milan, plus the Netherlandish titles of Duke of Brabant, Marquis of Namur, and Count of Artois, Flanders, and Hainaut. The object of the dedication was the attainment of financial support for the Venetian Academy from Margaret and/or her half-brother King Philip.